Editor:  Associate Editors:
GARETH SCHMELING 
Department of Classics 
University of Florida 
Gainesville, Florida 32611-7435 
Tel. (352) 392-2075 
FAX (352) 846-0297 
email: schmelin@classics.ufl.edu 

Vol. 30, Nos. 1 & 2 , APRIL 2000

Raymond Astbury 
Barry Baldwin 
Ewen Bowie 
Gian Biagio Conte 
Niklas Holzberg 
B.P. Reardon 
Gerald Sandy 
Editor for On-line Edition: Jean Alvares, Department of Classics and General Humanities, Montclair State University. Telephone (973) 655-5292. alvaresj@mail.montclair.edu

                                         TABLE OF CONTENTS
 

ICAN 2000 Bibliography Notices
Nachleben THE GREEK NOVEL (REARDON)  GREEK NOVEL, EARLY CHRISTIAN LITERATURE (HOCK)
BYZANTINE NOVEL (JOUANNO)  ANTONIUS DIOGENES AND LUCIAN (BALDWIN) CYRIL CONNOLLY AND PETRONIUS (BALDWIN)
PETRONIUS ON TRIAL (BOROUGHS ) ESTUDIOS SOBRE LA LENGUA DE LOS HECHOS AP (HERANDEZ) S.J. Harrison, APULEIUS: A LATIN SOPHIST (SCHMELING) 
(Publication of the  Newsletter is made possible by the generous support of Martha B. McDonald who dedicates this volume in memoriam to her beloved parents, Sgt. Carl E. and Toyo M. Byrd) 


ICAN 2000: 25-30 July 2000

The third ICAN conference will be held at the University of Groningen, The Netherlands, 25-30 July 2000, hosted by Maaike Zimmerman-de Graaf. Consult the web: http://come.to/ican for the program and other good things.

CORRECTIONS

    Page 5, vol. 29 (May 1999) under Nachleben read:
www. research.att.com/~reeds/petronius.html. The word is reeds, not reads.


BIBLIOGRAPHY

    Anderson, G., "The Novella in Petronius," in Latin Fiction: the Latin Novel in Context, ed. H. Hofmann (London: Routledge, 1999) 52-63. On Petronius' use of popular material.

    Archibald, E.," Apollonius of Tyre in the Middle Ages and Renaissance," in Latin Fiction: the Latin Novel in Context, ed. H. Hofmann (London: Routledge, 1999) 229-238.

    Bajoni, Maria Grazia, Lucius utricida. Per un'interpretazione di Apul. Met. 2, 32, pp. 51-52 Helm," RhM 141 (1998) 197-203.

    Beard, M., "Vita inscripta," in La biographie antique, ed., Widu Wolfgang Ehlers (Vandoeuvres-Geneva: Fondation Hardt, 1998) 83-114). Epitaphs as biography. Study of CIL 14.385, 3606-3608, and the epitaph of Trimalchio.

    Bodel, J., "The Cena Trimalchionis," in Latin Fiction: the Latin Novel in Context, ed., H. Hofmann (London: Routledge, 1999) 38-51. Bodel places the Cena in the context of other ancient banquets, discusses the typicality of Trimalchio as a 1st century A.D. wealthy freedman, and analyzes the theme of death as a major topos in the Cena.

    Borghini, A.," Animam ebullire: Alcune ipotesi sul contesto folklorico e su una cura magica," SCO 33 (1983) 205-259.

    Borghini, A.," Note petroniane," Athenaeum 86 (1998) 555-559.

    Cardona, F. Luis, trans., El Satiricón. Petronio (Barcelona: Ediocomunicación, 1994). 191 pp. Spanish translation.

    Carver, Robert H.F.," The Rediscovery of the Latin Novels," in Latin Fiction: the Latin Novel in Context, ed. H. Hofmann (London: Routledge, 1999) 253-268. An essay on the manuscript tradition and early editions of Petronius and Apuleius.

    Citti, R.," Come seque la lepre il cacciatore ...: sulle tracce di un'immagine da Callimaco a Petronio," Aevum(ant) 9 (1996) 249-268.

    Clover, Frank M., "Gallienus the Poet," in Historiae Augustae Colloquium Bonnense, eds., G. Bonamente and K. Rosen (Bari: Edipuglia, 1997) 115-127. Ascriptions of poems to Petronius from Binet to Courtney. (Baldwin)

    Codoñer, C., ed., Satiricon (Madrid: Akal, 1996).

    Connors, C., "Rereading the Arbiter: arbitrium and Verse in the Satyrica and in 'Petronius redivivus'," in Latin Fiction: the Latin Novel in Context, ed. H. Hofmann (London: Routledge, 1999) 64-77. Taking arbiter/arbitrium as a point of departure Connors discusses the ways in which the Satyrica was read by an unnamed writer in 12th-13th century England, stressing in particular the verse sections of the Satyrica.

    Cucchiarelli, A., "L'entrata di Abinna nella Cena Trimalchionis (Petron. Satyr. 65)," ASNP (Series 4) 1 (1996) 737-753 (plus 6 illustrations). On the Stützmotiv in which a drunken reveler, supported by someone (usually a woman), enters a cena.

    Cucchiarelli, A., "Trimalchione e la Cena di Marte (partendo da Satyr. 34, 5)," SCO 46 (1997) 585-601. "La Cena Trimalchionis consiste in un conflitto di forze: la cucina e il mimo aggrediscono la cultura tradizionale, rappresentata dal gruppetto degli scholastici" (p. 585).

    Cucchiarelli, A., "Eumolpo poeta civile: tempesta ed eros nel Satyricon,"A&A 44 (1998) 127-138. Cucchiarelli sostiene con ricchezza e novità di argomentazioni la tesi che il Bellum civile sia sono stato concepito da Eumolpo durante la tempesta. (Conte)

    Cucchiarelli, A., "Mimo e mimesi culinaria nella Cena di Trimalchone (con un' esegesi di Satyr. 70)," RhM 142 (1999) 176-188.

    Dinnage, P., trans., with Introduction and Notes by C. Panayotakis, Petronius Satyricon (Ware: Wordsworth Editions, 1999) xix + 152pp. English translation of the Satyricaplus fragments.

    Donahue, J., "Euergetic Self-Representation and the Inscriptions at Satyricon 71.10," CP 94 (1999) 69-74.

    Frangoulidis, S., "Theatre and Spectacle in Apuleius' Tale of the Robber Thrasyleon (Met. 4.13-21)," in Griechisch-römische Komödie und Tragödie III, ed., B. Zimmermann (Stuttgart: Metzler, 1999) 113-135.

    Frangoulides, S., "Scaena feralium nuptiarum: Wedding Imagery in Apuleius' Tale of Charite (Met. 8.1-14)," AJP 120 (1999) 601-619.

    Frangoulidis, S., "cui videbor veri similia dicere proferens vera?: Aristomenes and the Witches in Apuleius' Tale of Aristomenes',"CJ 94 (1999) 375-391.

    Funari, P.P. Abreu, "Cidadania, erudiçáo e pesquisas sobre a Antigüidade Clássica no Brasil," Boletim do Centro de Estudos e Documentação Sobre o Pensamento Antigo Clássico, Helenístico e sua Posteridade Histórica CPA. IFCH-Unicamp 2.2 (1997) 83-97.

    Fusillo, M., "Il Satyricon di Bruno Maderna: un' opera 'poliglotta'," Kleos 2 (1997) 231-234.

    Gagliardi, D., "La velocitas narrandi in Petronio: Analisi e commento del c. 49,SIFC 92 (1999) 116-122.

    Garraffoni, R. Senna, Bandidos e Salteadores: Concepções da Elite Romana Sobre a Transgressão Social (Campinas: Universidade Estadual de Campinas, TCC, 1997) [Orientador: P. P. Abreu Funari].

    Gerschner, R., Sprachlich-stilistische Studien zum Gebrauch des Griechischen in Petrons Satyrica (Diplomarbeit, Universität Wien, 1995).

    Giardina, G., "Sulla nazionalità dei personaggi del Satyricon,MCr 29 (1994) 255-258. Attempt to identify the nationality of characters.

    Gonçalves, C. dos Reis, "Classe e Cultura no Alto Império Romano: os Libertos de Paul Veyne," Boletim do Centro de Estudos e Documentação Sobre o Pensamento Antigo Clássico, Helenístico e sua Posteridade Histórica -- CPA. IFCH-Unicamp 3.5-6 (1998) 235-256.

    Gonçalves, C. dos Reis, "Ignorância dos Libertos e Mytologia na Cena Trimalchionis (Satyricon 29-78)," to appear in Gallaecia 19. "This paper aims at criticizing current approaches emphasizing the lack of culture of freedmen as pictured in Petronius' Satyricon. The paper uses structural analysis as well as narrative interpretive devices."

    Gonoji, M., "The Criticism of Rhetorical Education in Satyricon,"Classical Studies 15 (1998) 72-94. In Japanese.

    Grüll, T., "Trimalchio's Corinthian Ware,AAntHung 36 (1995) 101-105.

    Heredia Correa, R., Petronio: Fragmentos y Poemas (Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autánoma de México, 1998). Spanish translation with Latin text (Heseltine/Warmington), introduction, notes. Review by C. Panayotakis, CR 49 (1999) 577.

    Heredia Correa, R., Petronio: Satiricon (Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 1997). Spanish translation with Latin text (Heseltine/Warmington), introduction, notes. Review by C. Pannayotakis, CR 49 (1999) 577.

    Hofmann, H., ed., Latin Fiction: the Latin Novel in Context (London: Routledge, 1999) xi + 277pp; £45. H. Hofmann, "Introduction," 1-19; G. Schmeling, "Petronius and the Satyrica," 23-37; J. Bodel, "The Cena Trimalchionis," 38-51; G. Anderson, "The Novella in Petronius," 52-63; C. Connors, "Rereading the Arbiter: arbitrium and Verse in the Satyrica and in 'Petronius redivivus,'" 64-77; G. Sandy, "Apuleius'Golden Ass: from Miletus to Egypt," 81-102; H.J. Mason, "The Metamorphoses of Apuleius and its Greek Sources," 103-112; N. Shumate, "Apuleius'Metamorphoses: the Inserted Tales," 113-125; G. Sandy, "The Tale of Cupid and Psyche," 126-138; G. Schmeling, "The History of Apollonius King of Tyre," 141-152; S. Merkle, "News from the Past: Dictys and Dares on the Trojan War," 155-166; R. Stoneman, "The Latin Alexander," 167-186; G. Huber-Rebenich, "Hagiographic Fiction and Entertainment," 187-212; C. Moreschini, "Towards a History of the Exegesis of Apuleius: the Case of the 'Tale of Cupid and Psyche," 215-228; E. Archibald, "Apollonius of Tyre in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance," 229-237; R. Stoneman, "The Medieval Alexander," 238-252; Robert H.F. Carver, "The Rediscovery of the Latin Novels," 253-268. Index 269-277.

    Heinz Hofmann, well known to readers of the PSN from his work on Apuleius, organization of the Groningen Colloquia on the Novel, and editorship of GCN, edited this new book entitled Latin Fiction, a companion piece to J.R. Morgan and R. Stoneman, eds., Greek Fiction (London: Routledge, 1994). Hofmann organizes the volume by author/work, first, and then by influence of the Latin novels. He provides a brief introduction to the modern scholars writing in this volume, cross-references points of interest from one essay to other essays, and provides a most useful index. Part 1 Petronius (4 essays); Part 2 Apuleius (4 essays); Part 3 Apollonius King of Tyre (1 essay); Part 4 History and Romance, Saints and Martyrs (3 essays); the Heritage of Latin Fiction (4 essays). Hofmann selected essayists from Canada, Germany, Italy, the UK , the USA.

    Hofmann, H., "Introduction," in Latin Fiction: the Latin Novel in Context, ed., H. Hofmann (London: Routledge, 1999) 1-19. An important essay on the Latin novel in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages and on the Neo-Latin novel in the period from the 16th to 18th centuries (e.g., John Barclay, Euphormionis Lusinini Satyricon, 1603/7; Franüois Guyet, Gaeomemphionis Cantaliensis Satyricon, 1628).

    Huber-Rebenich, G., "Hagiographic Fiction as Entertainment," in Latin Fiction: the Latin Novel in Context, ed. H. Hofmann (London: Routledge, 1999) 187-212. Elements of entertainment literature are put to the service of Christian doctrine.

    Kleijwegt, M., "Trimalchio's Social Impotence," Daedalus (South Africa) 1.2 (2000) 4. Trimalchio's lack of social respectability mirrors Encolpius' waning sexual powers. Baldwin

    Laes, C., "Forging Petronius: François Nodot and the Fake Petronian Fragments,"HumLov 47 (1998) 358-402. Nodot's Latin text with Laes' commentary.

    Laird, Andrew, Powers of Expression, Expressions of Power: Speech Presentation and Latin Literature (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999). Essay on Petronius: "Ideology and Taste: Narrative and Discourse in Petronius' Satyricon," pp. 209-258.
   Leão, Delfim Ferreira, "Trimalquião: a humanitas de um novo-rico," Humanitas (Coimbra) 48 (1996) 161-182.

    Leão, Delfim Ferreira, As ironias da fortuna: sátira e moralidade no Satyricon (Lisbon: Ed. Colibri, 1998) 162 pp.

    Lieberg, G., "Mecenate letterato," BSL 26 (1996) 9-18. Parallels between the character of Maecenas and Petronius.

    Manara, Milo, trans., L' asino d'oro (Milan: Mondadori, 1999). Sensuous illustrations. (Thanks to Michele Coccia).

    Mason, H.J., "The Metamorphoses of Apuleius and its Greek Sources," in Latin Fiction: the Latin Novel in Context, ed. H. Hofmann (London: Routledge, 1999) 103-112.

    Mehl, A., "Wirtschaft, Gesellschaft, Totenglauben: die 'Igeler Säule' bei Trier und ihre Grabherren. Mit einem Anhang, das Grab des Trimalchio," Laverna 8 (1997) 59-92. A 3rd century AD monument is similar to the fictional tomb of Trimalchio.

    Merkle, S. "News from the Past: Dictys and Dares on the Trojan War," in Latin Fiction: the Latin Novel in Context, ed. H. Hofmann (London: Routledge, 1999) 155-166. Essay on the rich tradition of two "eye-witnesses" to the Trojan War.

    Migliorini, P., Scienza e terminologia medica nella letteratura latina di età neroniana: Seneca, Lucano, Persio, Petronio (Frankfurt: Lang, 1997). Petronius on pp. 175-201.

    Moreschini, C., "Towards a History of the Exegesis of Apuleius: the Case of the 'Tale of Cupid and Psyche'," in Latin Fiction: the Latin Novel in Context, ed. H. Hofmann (London: Routledge, 1999) 215-228. Allegorical interpretation of the tale from Late Antiquity to the Renaissance.

    Müller, Hendrik, Liebesbeziehungen in Ovids Metamorphosen und ihr Einfluß auf den Roman des Apuleius (Göttingen: Hainholz Verlag, 1998). In his BMCR (1999) of Müller's book Vincent Hunink concludes that Müller "fails to convince that these texts have common ground." (Thanks to Farouk Grewing)

    Neumann, G., Simon, E., "Petron, Satyrica c. 29.5," WJA 23 (1999) 115-122. For mento in the phrase levatum mento in tribunal excelsum Mercurius rapiebat read <mo>mento and translate "Merkur hob (levatum) den Trimalchio mit einem Ruck hoch und riß (rapiebat) ihn hinauf auf die hohe Tribüne."Iliad 7.272 and Hector are adduced:  for a visual representation, Ganymedes snatched up by a divine creature as portrayed on the ceiling of the Basilica Sotterranea in Rome, is adduced.

    Nimis, S., "The Sense of Open-Endedness in the Ancient Novel," Arethusa 32 (1999) 215-238.

    Palagi, L. "L'ingresso trionfale di Trimalchione (Petr. Sat. 29, 3),Maia 50 (1998) 465-474. For 29.3 Romam intrabat read templa, or perhaps temena, intrabat. Palagi offers a history of the readings of the text.

    Perkins, J., "An Ancient 'Passing' Novel: Heliodorus'Aithiopika," Arethusa 32 (1999) 197-214.

    Petersmann, H., "Maecenas, Nasidienus und Trimalchio: ein Beitrag zur Illustration der diaethischen Sprachaspekts in der römischen Literatur der frühen Kaizerzeit," in Mousopolos Stephanos: Festschrift für Herwig Görgemanns, ed. H. Köhler (Heidelberg: Winter, 1998) 269-277.

    Petrone, G., "La 'ierofania' di Quartilla,"    Pan 15-16 (1993-94) 91-110.

    Pichard, G.,    L'asino d'oro, adattamento da Apuleio di G. Pichard, 2 vols., traduzione di Ferruccio Giromini (Milan: Edizioni Glénat Italia, 1989). Titolo originale: Les sorcières de Thessalie (Grenoble: Editions Glénat, 1985). Spectacular illustrations. (Thanks to Michele Coccia).

    Ramelli, I., "Il Satyricon di Petronio: Tradizione, parodia, allusione," 7 (1997) 27-41. The Satyrica, Greek novels, New Testament writers.

    Ramelli, I., "La chiesa di Roma e la cultura pagana. Echi Cristiani nellHercules Oetaeus?," Rivista di Storia della Chiesa in Italia 52 (1998) 11-31. References to Petronius and gospel of Mark.

    Ramelli, I.,  review of G.G. Gamba, Petronio Arbitro e i Cristiani. Ipotesi per una lettura contestuale del Satyricon (Roma: Libreria Ateneo Salesiano, 1998) in Aevum 73 (1999) 207-210.

    Rodríguez Morales, J., "Petronio en la biblioteca de Isidoro de Sevilla?,"Helmantica 43 (1992) 69-77. Isidore in 7th century Seville has a copy of the Satyrica.

    Rosiello, P.V., "A proposito di Satyr. 81.4," Index 20 (1999) 1-8.

    Salanitro, M., "Un' arguzia di Trimalchione (Petron. Satyr. 52.7),"Res Publica Litterarum 21 (1998) 155-162.

    Salanitro, M., "Servi presunti nella Cena Trimalchionis,"  Maia 51 (1999) 423-428. On 41.1-3: "servus tuusè un espressione di deferenza ...."

    Salanitro, M., "Il racconto del lupo mannaro in Petronio: tra folclore e letteratura," A&R 43 (1998) 156-167.

    Sandy, G., "Apuleius' Golden Ass: from Miletus to Egypt," in Latin Fiction: the Latin Novel in Context, ed. H. Hofmann (London: Routledge, 1999) 81-102. A general essay to introduce the Golden Ass.

    Sandy, G., "The Tale of Cupid and Psyche," in Latin Fiction: the Latin Novel in Context, ed. H. Hofmann (London: Routledge, 1999) 126-138. A study of the tale of Cupid and Psyche and its position in the structure of the Golden Ass and in the strategy of Apuleius.

    Schmeling, G., "Petronius and the Satyrica," in Latin Fiction: the Latin Novel in Context, ed., H. Hofmann (London: Routledge, 1999) 23-37. A general essay to introduce the Satyrica.

    Schmeling, G., "The History of Apollonius King of Tyre," in Latin Fiction: the Latin Novel in Context, ed. H. Hofmann (London: Routlege, 1999) 141-152. A general essay to introduce the Historia.

    Schönberger, O.,   Neun Geschichten vom weisen Richter (Würzburg: Königshausen und Neumann, 2000). Nine original stories to accompany copies of the paintings found in the Farnesina in Rome in 1879. Petronians remember that the Judgment of Solomon (Satyricon 79.12) is found here.

    Setaioli, A., "Seneca, lo schiavo Felicione e un'  inscrizione di Velia," Prometheus 24 (1998) 149-151. On Felicio and Sat. 60.8.

    Setaioli, A., "La poesia in Petr. Sat. 14.2,"  Prometheus 24 (1998) 152-160.

    Shumate, N., "Apuleius' Metamorphoses: the Inserted Tales," in Latin Fiction: the Latin Novel in Context, ed. H. Hofmann (London: Routledge, 1999) 113-125. Essay on the intricate schemes which anticipate modern novels.

    Sommariva, G., "Far mercato della giustizia: l'intermezzo metrico dell episodio del forum (Petr. Satyr. 14, 2),"Filologia Antica e Moderna 12 (1997) 7-29. On the placement of verses at 14.2.

    Soverini, P., "Sul ritratto tacitiano di Petronio," Eikasmos 8  (1997) 195-220.

    Stefanelli, R., "Come si riscaldava Dama?: a proposito di Petronio 41, 11-12,"AGI 78 (1993) 63-70. On vestiarius and staminata duxi.

    Stoneman, R.,  "The Latin Alexander, in Latin Fiction: the Latin Novel in Context, ed. H. Hofmann (London: Routledge, 1999) 167- 186. Alexander the Great is pictured in late Latin literature as a cultural hero of the dying pagan world.

    Stoneman, R.,  "The Medieval Alexander," in Latin Fiction: the Latin Novel in Context, ed. H. Hofmann (London: Routledge, 1999) 238-252. An essay on Leo the Archpriest's  (AD 1000) translation of the Alexander Romance and its later reception.

    Thiede, C. P.,    Ein Fisch für den römischen Kaiser. Juden, Griechen und Römer: die Welt des Jesus Christus (Munich: Luchterhand, 1998) 112-121. Petronius and New Testament writers.

    Winter, U.,  Die Verspartien der Oenothea-Episode in Petrons Satyricon: ein Kommentar (Egelsbach: Hänsel-Hohenhausen, 1996). Deutsche Hochschulschriften. 63 pp.

    Wolff, É, trans. Histoire du roi Apollonius de Tyr (Paris: Anatolia, 1996). French translation of the Historia Apollonii.

    Wolters, R.,   "C. Stertinius Xenophon von Kos und die Grabinschrift des Trimalchio," Hermes 127 (1999) 47-60.
 

For more bibliography (which can be added to) CLICK HERE for the PSN general Bibliography Page


NOTICES

APA MEETING IN DALLAS, 27-30 DECEMBER 1999

Schwartz, S., "Passion and Polis: Civil Trials in Greek Novels."

Anderson, M., "Distinctions of Speech according to Gender in the     Greek Novels."

Wang, K., "Two Mystical Similes of Apuleius and Achilles Tatius."

Chew, K., "Trotheisa eroti: Violence in the Greek Novels and     Hagiographic Literature."

Farmer, M., "The House of Trimalchio: a Reconstruction."

Cueva, E., "Petronius 38.6-11: Haunted Houses, incubones, and the     Medical Treatment of the alapa."

Scioli, E., "The Narrative Function of Charite's Dreams in Apuleius'     Metamorphoses."

Weiss, C., "Cauda nusquam! On the Disappearance of Lucius' Tail     (Apul. Met. 11.13)."


                             CAMWS MEETING IN KNOXVILLE, APRIL , 2000
 

Frost, R. L.,   "A "Homeric Hymn to Eros" in Longus' Daphnis and Chloe."

Alvares J.,   "Daphnis and Chloe and Clitophon and Leucippe: The Education of Love." 

Casey, E. .  Lying in Lucian's True History.

Avlamis, P.,   "True Histories: Lucian's Fantastic Voyage Through the Land of Genres." 

 Gustafson, M.,  "A Reading of Satyricon 100-110: Tattoos and Recognition." 

Kilpatrick, R. S., "Apuleius and the "Allegory of Time and Love" by Bronzino." 
 
 


TOURS CONFERENCE

Colloque: "Les personnages du roman grec," 18-20 novembre 1999, Université de Tours. 

B.P. Reardon (invité d'honneur), "Callirhoe et ses soeurs"

G. Molinié, "Perspectives sémio-narratives dans le roman grec"

S. Dubel, "La description des personnages dans le roman grec de l'epoque impériale";

J. Lacoue-Labarthe, "Personnage et ekphrasis dans les romans grec et byzantin"

D. van Mal-Maeder, "Déclamations et romans: La double vie des personnages romanesques"

G. Puccini, "Le statut des personnages narrateurs dans les romans grecs et latins à l'epoque impériale";

J.-P Guez, "Pirates, brigands, malfaiteurs: types et écarts dans les romans de Chariton, Xénophon d'Éphèse et Achille Tatius"; 

S. Rabau, "La Tychè est-elle un personnage du roman grec?"

M.-F. Marein, "Les substituts de la Pythie dans le roman grec"

R. Poignault, "Les usurpateurs du Quadrige des Tyrans de l'Histoire Auguste: des personnages de roman?"

A. Billault, "Les personnages du Roman de Ninos"

C. Daude, "Le personnage d'Artaxerxes dans le roman de Chariton";

D. Kasprzyk, "Théron, pirate, conteur et narrateur dans le roman de Chariton"

A. Cheyns, "Le dieu Pan et l'expression de la violence dans Daphnis et Chloé"

V. Gély-Ghédira, "La Chloé de Longus, personnage ou figure? Le modèle d' Écho"

R. Brethes, "Clitophon ou une anthologie de l'anti-héros"

M. Woronoff, "Rapports de pouvoir entre personnages dans les Ethiopiques"

Ch. Cusset, "Le Jason d'Apollonios de Rhodes: premier personnage romanesque?"

F. Létoublon et J. Alaux, "La nourrice, de l'epopée au roman grec";

É. Wolff, "Les personnages du roman grec et l'Historia Apollonii regis Tyri"

A.-M. Taisne, "Faut-il jeter la pierre à Eumolpe (dans le Satiricon de Pétrone)?"

A. Farnoux, "Le roman grec comme roman archéologique";

B. Pouderon, "Dédoublement et création de personnages dans le roman pseudo-clémentin"

M.-A. Calvet, "Femmes du roman pseudo-clémentin";

D. Berranger-Auserve, "Cyprien, personnage romanesque dans la Confession de saint  Cyprien"

P. Laurence, "Gérontios et la Vie de sainte Mélaine: hagiographie et roman"

C. Jouanno, "Les femmes dans le roman byzantin du XIIe siècle: fantasme ou réalité?"

M. Lassithiotakis, "Achille et Digénis: réflexions sur la fonction des thèmes acritiques dans l'Achilléide byzantine"; 

H. Théologitis, "Digénis Akritas et la littérature byzantine".
 


FAREWELL

    Alex Scobie, known to all students of the ancient novel, died 9 February 2000 in New Zealand. Several years ago he had lost his sight but persevered with courage. His was a noble spirit. (William Hansen)


ANNOUNCEMENTS

    Marvin Colker is at work on an edition of all the fragments of Elias of Thriplow (who used Petronius) and on a new edition of his Analecta Dublinensia with its stories that were influenced by Petronius.


NACHLEBEN

    Fitzgerald, F. Scott, "Trimalchio": an Early Version of "The Great Gatsby," ed., J. West (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000). As early as 1922 Fitzgerald had begun to plan a novel which he would call "Trimalchio". In 1925, when the novel appeared, it was entitled The Great Gatsby. West offers us a thin introduction about the history of the writing of the novel including Perkins' valuable contributions, but prints the entire galley text of the novel called "Trimalchio", followed by a "Record of Variants" leading to the 1925 printed text. In Appendix 2, p. 190, West mentions Petronius but is unconcerned with Fitzgerald's knowledge of the Satyrica or of Petronius. When, where, why, how Fitzgerald came to read a Latin classic is of no interest to the uninquisitive West. This is too bad, since West having the luxury of showing how Fitzgerald struggled with different versions of his text (something every classicist would love to be able to struggle with), could have shown how ideas were borrowed from, then rejected or accepted, the Satyrica.

    "The Great Trimalchio? A Penn State English professor working under an NEH fellowship has uncovered the 'ur-text' of F. Scott Fitzgerald's The Great Gatsby. It turns out that the novelist had originally named his protagonist 'Trimalchio.' James L.W. West III, who edits the Cambridge University Press edition of Fitzgerald's works ..." Quotation from NEH Outlook (5 November 1999), a monthly email newsletter of NEH. Thanks to Niall Slater for alerting me to this information (www.neh.gov).

    Muschamp, Herbert, "Trump, his Gilded Taste, and Me," The New York Times on the Web, December 19, 1999: http://www.nytimes.com/library/arts/121999trump-architecture.html (one has to register with the NYT website  to actually see the article, but there is no cost) .  Thanks to Will Gerald, a student of Niall Slater, and to Niall Slater for bringing this to my attention. The Donald (Trump, not Duck) as Trimalchio. Some English wag once observed that the USA was the only civilization he knew of, which went directly from the archaic to the decadent without going through the classical. I quote from Slater's comments about the New York Times article: "It's rather hilarious that the author casts himself as Ascyltos instead of Encolpius --- one suspects he's working from a bad summary rather than a real knowledge of Petronius." And from Will Gerald: "It is an architecture critic's reaction to Donald Trump's buildings in New York City, with a funny reference to Petronius'Satyricon. The author casts himself as Ascyltos and Trump as Trimalchio. It is actually a rather apt comparison."

    Casale, Giuditta, "Stendhal e Petronio: Julien a Pranzo da Valenod," Micromégas 65-66 (1997) 25-32.

    The Golden Ass, an opera by Randolph Peters and libretto by Robertson Davies, performed by the Canadian Opera Company, Toronto, April 1999. Ewen Bowie [CA News (December 1999)] provides an entertaining eye-witness account of the opera: "your correspondent had mistakenly inferred from claims of Puccini-esque tunes that the title would be The Girl with the Golden Ass."

    Pinto, Vivian de Sola, The City that Shone (New York: John Day, 1969) 236. In his autobiography Pinto records that on 11 October 1918 while serving in the British Army on the front lines, he wrote to his father and asked "him to send me 'an indelible pencil, candles and the works of Petronius in the Loeb edition'." As most educated young men of his time, Pinto had read Classics at the university. See also Paul Fussell, The Great War and Modern Memory (New York: Oxford University Press, 1975) 67. My thanks to the Barriest of the Baldwins.

 


THE GREEK NOVEL

by B.P. Reardon

I wonder if all readers -- perhaps especially those outside North America, farther from the corridors of Petronian power -- are fully versed in the genesis of this journal, indeed of the Society whose organ it seems to be? Why is it the Petronian Society, to start with? It is the Petronian Society because its founders, the genial Gareth Schmeling and the late, lamented, just as affable J.P. Sullivan were interested in Petronius, and founded it for others of like mind. Its rules were and are simple: you are a member if you think you are; can't get much more liberal than that. Its rites consist of accepting the hospitality of its founder's at the annual APA meeting, but don't get there too late because the expression of that hospitality usually cannot keep up with demand. So much for the body corporate. The journal outgrew its clothes quite a long time ago; concerned with fiction, it is in its nomenclature itself a fiction. All very freewheeling. End of preamble.

Preamble to what? To some thoughts, and questions in my mind. As for some years now, items included in this Greek Novel report have in many cases already been listed in the General Bibliography. It is also the case that classical bibliography in general has in this past year or two more and more been coming online. So such a report loses at least some of its point, which originally ( the first one appeared in 1982) was in large part to keep ahead of the game -- APh mainly, since Gnomon has always been ahead of everybody anyway -- as well as to provide specialised information in a more digestible form than the comprehensive sources. The question arises as to the value and future of this column, if it has any future, if it has any value. Perhaps that could be embraced in the more general question of the future of PSN itself, which Gareth Schmeling has been producing -- an essentially single-handed, ever-growing, and ever more costly labour -- for some thirty years. And also in the yet more general question of the future course of novel studies (it looks as if they do have a future). Whatever happens, this will be my last Greek Novel report. I have been glad to keep more or less up to date myself in this way, but circumstances are not propitious to my continuing.

In other words, what happens next? Perhaps ICAN 2000 will help elicit some future arrangements. The conference is very much on track, as surfers will know: over 100 papers lined up. Maaike Zimmerman has arranged all kinds of things , and has had reluctantly to close the door. I look forward to it. I also hope that the annual Colloquia can resume in due course; they have become themselves mini-ICANs, and a welcome item in the academic calendar.

For the present, here are the offerings.


COLLECTIONS

   Hock, R.F., Chance, J.B., Perkins, Judith, eds. Ancient Fiction and Early Christian Narrative, Atlanta, Scholars Press (Society of Biblical Literature)(1998). Articles by Konstan, Schmeling, Edwards (D.), Chew, Shea, Pervo, Hock, Shiner, Hedrick, Chance, Alexander, Aubin, qq. v.

Hofmann, H., ed., Latin Fiction. The Latin Novel in Context,   London/NY (1999). Includes several articles on topics potentially of relevance to Greek fiction and/or Nachleben, that have appeared in this report before now: HART (Schmeling, Archibald), Alexander-Romance (Stoneman), Dares/Dictys (Merkle), hagiographical texts (Huber-Rebenich); qq. v.

Nazzaro, A.V., "Narratologia antica e medioevale," GIF 49 (1997)     79-91. Review of novel articles in a Festschrift Pepe (Schmeling, Scarcella, Liviabella Furiani).

Swain, Simon, ed., Oxford Readings in the Greek Novel, Oxford     (1999). As determined by OUP's policy, mostly fairly recent journal articles; in English, some translated. On general topics (Bowie, Fusillo, Saïd, Egger, Hägg) and the major individual texts (Char, Long., Hld., Ach. Tat., Lucian VH); for details see PSN 1999 4. S. contributes a substantial account of the genre and an acute analysis of the course of studies since Rohde. Should be particularly useful for teaching.
 
 

CONFERENCE ACTA

Hock, R.F., Ancient Fiction and Early Christian Narrative     (Symposium Series No. 6), v. Collections.

Hofmann, H., Zimmerman, M., eds., Groningen Colloquia on the Novel IX, Groningen 1998. V. Couraud-Lalanne, Pletcher, Stramaglia, Bremmer, Lalleman, Hillhorst.

Hunter, R.L., ed., Studies in Heliodorus, Cambridge (1998),     Cambridge Philological Society, Suppl. Vol. 21. From the 1996 Laurence Seminar, Cambridge. Papers, qq. v. here (also PSN 1999 3), on narrative technique (Bowie, Hardie, Hunter, Morgan), cultural context (Hilton, Whitmarsh), reception (Agapitos, Bertoni/Fusillo), modern black consciousness (Selden).
 
 

EDITIONS AND TRANSLATIONS

The only edition to report here is an (extensive) update; see     Fragments, Lápez Martínez. More editions can be expected in due course (whatever that means - don't hold your breath); see Forthcoming for parsimonious information.

Hadas, Moses, trans., Heliodorus: an Ethiopian Romance,    Philadelphia (University of Pennsylvania Press) (1999). Reissue, unaltered, of the 1957 edition.

Lamb, W., trans., Heliodorus: Ethiopian Story, ed. J.R. Morgan,    London 1997. Re-edition of 1961 ed.

Panayotakis, S., trans., Athens 1996. Translation.

van Opstall, Emilie, Chaireas en Kallirhoe: een Liefde, Amsterdam     (1998). Translation.
 
 

NOVEL, GENERAL

      Alexander, L., v. Christian Novel.

      Billault, A., "Les romanciers grecs et la tragédie,"Cahiers de la Villa "Kérylos," no.8, Beaulieu-sur-Mer (Alpes-Maritimes). (Paris 1998) 178-194. Colloque: Le Théâtre Grec Antique: La Tragédie.

      Brioso, M., "Modelos narrativos de la novela griega antigua," in Homenaje a Esperanza Albarrán Gómez (Seville 1998) 39-53.

      Brioso, M., "Aspectos formales del relato en la novela griega  antigua," in M. Brioso, F.J. González Ponce eds., Actitudes Literarias en la Grecia Romana (Seville 1998) 123-207.

      Brioso, M., "Aspectos del estilo directo en la novela griega  antigua,Habis 30 (1999) 153-173. That is, direct speech; complements Ferrini 1988.

      Brioso, M., "El engaño en la novela griega antigua. Algunas  consideraciones (1)," Myrtia 14 (1999) 57-91.

      Brioso, M., "La técnica del resumen retrospectivo en la novela  griega antiqua," in V. Bécares Botas et al., eds., Kalon Theama: Estudios de filología clásica e indoeuropeo dedicados a F. Romero Cruz, Salamanca, Universidad de Salamanca (1999) 51-63.

      Couraud-Lalanne, Sophie, "Théâtralité et dramatisation rituelle dans   le roman grec," GCN IX (1998) 1-16.

      Edsall, Margaret, "The Role and Characterization of the Priest in the   Ancient Novel," diss. Columbia (1996).

      Finkelberg, Margalit, The Birth of Literary Fiction in Ancient Greece, Oxford (1998).The title, while in a restricted sense accurate, is misleading here. The book discusses the "poetics of fiction" in early and classical Greece, leading up to the Poetics; it does not go beyond Aristotle, or even hint at the existence of fiction in later Greece. This does seem like, not putting the cart before the horse, but leaving the cart in the farmyard. A sentence or two, even a subordinate clause on the last page, might be thought germane to such a discussion. All the same, one of the big questions is, not only why the novel arose when it did, but why it didn't when it didn't; present readers may well be interested in this discussion.

      Fusillo, M., "Romanzo e romanzieri greci," GIF 49 (1997) 273-76.   An account of Scarcella's Romanzo e romanzieri..., P. Liviabella Furiani & L. Rossetti, eds., 2 vv., Napoli (1993), which collected a score or more of his wide-ranging publications.

      Galli, Lucia, "Petronio e il romanzo greco di Richard Heinze," Kleos   2 (1997) 77-98. Translation of H.'s famous 1899 article (H., 494-519), reportedly to mark its centenary; a near miss.

      Hock, R.F., Ancient Fiction and Early Christian Narrative, v.   Collections.

      Konstan, D., "The Invention of Fiction," in Hock, Ancient Fiction  and Early Christian Narrative , v. Collections, 3-17.

      Lambin, G., "Sur les origines du roman grec," AC 68 (1999) 57-80.     We have been here before. "Fruit d'un besoin profond de renouvellement...lié à  la fonction fabulatrice dont parlait Bergson..élargissement d'un monde devenu trop grand.... littérature centrée sur l'homme". I seem to recognise the sentiments.

      Lateiner, Donald, "Blushes and Pallor in Ancient Fiction," Helios 25    (1998) 163-89. "Gender and power issues implicated."

      Pervo, R. "Introduction: the Ancient Novel Yesterday and Today,"   Journal of Higher Criticism 2 (1995) 3-32.

      Ruiz-Montero, C., "La concepcián de la mujer en los textos griegos   de comienzos del imperio," in L. Frutos Balibrea, R. Maurandi Guirado, eds., Mujer e Investigación: "Encuentrosde Primavera del Ceumu", Universidad Murcia (1998), 507-514. Discusses Chariton, Xen. Eph., Joseph & Aseneth ; poses questions, but the conclusion is that no clear conclusions can be drawn by our century about women's attitudes in antiquity. It is not clear how far the novels reflect them; feminine authorship seems unlikely.

      Scarcella, A., v. Novel, General, Fusillo.

      Schmeling, G., "The Spectrum of Narrative: Authority of the   Author," in Hock, Ancient Fiction and Early Christian Narrative , v. Collections, 19-29.

      Thomas, C., "Stories without Texts and without Authors: the  Problems of Fluidity in Ancient Novelistic Texts and Early Christian Literature," in Hock, Ancient Fiction and Early Christian Narrative, v. Collections, 273-293.

      Várhelyi, Zsuzsanna, "Representations of the 'Other': the Religion  of the Egyptians in the Greek Novel," in Z. Nemes & G. Németh, eds., Heorte: Studia in honorem Johannis Sarkady septuagenarii, Debrecen (1997) 89-113 (PSN 1999).

      Wolff, Étienne, Le roman grec et latin: thèmes et études, Paris   (1997).
 
 

      ACHILLES TATIUS

      Billault, A., "Le comique d'Achille Tatius et les réalités de l'époque  impériale," in M. Trédé & P. Hoffman, eds., Le rire des anciens, Paris, Presses de L'École Normale Supérieure (1998) 143-158.

      Bremmer, Jan, v. Heliodorus.

      Bychkov, O., Note on Achilles Tatius     1.9.4-5, 5.13.4,"CQ 49 (1999) 339-341. Ach. Tat. on visual perception; probably referring to the well-known discussion at Plato Phdr. 251, but also strongly reminiscent of the 2nd C. Epicurean school (cf. Diogenes of Oenoanda).

      Chrysos, Evangelos, "Les florilèges sacro-profanes et la tradition  indirecte des romanciers Achille Tatius et Héliodore,"RHT 25 (1995) 81-90 (résumé in English). Text; readings in Byzantine collections better than ms. tradition.

      Hedrick, C., "Conceiving the Narrative: Colors in Achilles Tatius   and the Gospel of Mark, in Hock, Ancient Fiction and Early Christian Narrative, v. Collections,177-199.

      Liviabella Furiani, Patrizia,  "Pepli parlanti'  e   'voci mute': la   comunicazione non verbale nel romanzo di Achille Tazio," in L. Rossetti, O. Bellini, eds., Retorica e Verità: le insidie della comunicazione, Quaderni dell'  Istituto di Filosofia della Facoltà di Scienze della Formazione, Univ. di Perugia, ESI 13 (1998) 97-149.

      Mignogna, E., "Il mimo Leucippe: un' ipotesi su PBerol inv. 13927     (Pack2 2437)," RCCM 38 (1996) 161-166. List of dramatic pieces, dated 5th C./6th C. Some connection with Ach. Tat., apparently, from which the content can be reconstructed. Part of a body of material common to narrative and pop theatre. Could Callirhoe fit into the same category (Persius 1. 134 as reference to a theatrical performance)? And cf. the mosaics of performances(?) of Met. & Parth., Ninus.
 
 

      AESOP

      Pervo, R., "A Nihilist Fabula: Introducing the Life of Aesop," in Hock et al, Ancient Fiction and Early Christian Narrative, v. Collections.

      Shiner, W., "Creating Plot in Episodic Narrative: The Life of Aesop and the Gospel of Mark," in Hock, Ancient Fiction and Early Christian Narrative, v. Collections, 155-176.
 
 

ALEXANDER-ROMANCE

      Jouanno, C., "Un épisode embarrassant de l'histoire d'Alexandre: la  prise de Thèbes,Ktema 18  (1993). Found in the earliest version, but played down.

      Stoneman, R. "The Latin Alexander," in Hofmann, Latin Fiction  167-186, v. Collections

      Stoneman, R., "The Medieval Alexander," in Hofmann, Latin Fiction 238-252, v. Collections.

      Traina, G., "Lo Pseudo-Callistene armeno. Nota introduttiva," in  Ars narrandi. Studi di narrativa antica in memoria di Luigi Pepe, Napoli, Edizioni Scientifiche Italiane (1996) 133-150.

      Traina, G., "La recensio a e i suoi paralleli orientali: osservazioni   sull' edizione di Kroll," in R.B. Finazzi, A. Valvo, eds., La diffusione dell''eredità classica nell'  età   tardoantica e medievale. Il "romanzo di Alessandro" e altri scritti," Alessandria, Ed. dellOrso (1998) 311-322.

      Traina, G., "Romanzo di Alessandro. I kafa di Chachatur  Ketcharetsi," in B.L. Zekiya, ed., Canto d'Armenia, in Forma di parole s.4.1, Jan.- Mar. 1998 147-165.

      Traina, G., "Problemi testuali della Pseudo-Callistene armeno," in   R.B. Finazzi, A. Valvo, eds., La diffusione dell' eredità classica nell' età tardoantica e medievale. Forme e modi di trasmissioni, Alessandria, Ed. dellOrso (1997) 233-240.

      Traina, G., Ciancaglini, C.A., "La recensio vetusta e i suoi testimoni   orientali," appendix to C. Franco, "Il romanzo di Alessandro," Quaderni di Storia 49 (1999) 95-102.
 
 

      CHARITON

      Balot, R., "Foucault, Chariton, and the Masculine Self," Helios 25   (1999) 139-162.

      Brioso, M., "Oralidad literatura de consumo en la novela griega   antiqua?: Caritón y Jenofante de Éfeso (1)," Habis 31 (2000) 177-217.

      Couraud-Lalanne, Sophie, "Recit d'un  : réflexions   sur le statut des jeunes dans le roman de Chariton d'Aphrodisias,REG 111 (1998) 518-550.

      Delbridge, M.L., "Prayer in Chariton's Chaereas and Callirhoe," in    M. Kiley ed., Prayer from Alexander to Constantine, London/NY (1997) 171-175. Acute: prayer revealing societal criteria -- different for women (shame) and men (honour).

      Edwards, D., "Pleasurable Reading or Symbols of Power? Religious  Themes and Social Context in Chariton," in Hock, Ancient Fiction and Early Christian Narrative ,  v. Collections, 31-46.

      Guida, A., "Un apografo sconosciuto di Caritone, un'ambigua nota   del Pasquali e una fallita impresa editoriale del '700," in V. Fera & A. Guida, eds., Vetustatis Indagator: scritti offerti a Filippo de Benedetto, Messina (1999) 277-308. This sounds like a major find, but turns out to be disappointing. A vague reference by Pasquali led G., in an intricate search through Florentine libraries, private as well as public, to ms. 2482 in the Biblioteca Riccardiana; it turned out to be an apograph of Salvini's unreliable apograph of Chariton. See Blake's edition, viii; but B.s date for that apograph of 'iam ante annum 1725' is improved by G. to a date between May 1700, when Salvini finished transcribing Xen. Eph., to a terminus ante quem of November 1711. Ricc. 2482 anticipates a handful of later conjectures, but is of no value for establishing the text. The episode does illustrate academic activity in Florence in the first half of the 18th C., and throws much light on the circumstances leading up to the publication of D'Orville's editio princeps in 1750.

      Toohey, Peter, "Dangerous Ways to Fall in Love: Chariton 1.1.5-10    and 6.9.4," Maia 51 (1999) 259-275. Chariton's use of the clichés of love: violent, external, cf. Archilochus, Sappho (Chaereas and Callirhoe) ; or "volitional" (Artaxerxes).

      van Steen, G., "Destined to Be? Tyche in Chariton's Chaereas and  Callirhoe and in the Byzantine Romance of Kallimachos and Chrysorroi,"AC 67 (1998) 203-211. A description of Tyche's activities.

      DARES/DICTYS

      Merkle, S., "News from the Past: Dictys and Dares on the Trojan War," in Hofmann, Latin Fiction 155-156,  v.Collections.

      HELIODORUS

      Bowie, E.L., "Phoenician Games in Heliodorus' Aithiopika," in   Hunter, Studies in Heliodorus, v. Conference Acta,1-18.

      Bremmer, Jan, "Achilles Tatius and Heliodorus in Christian East   Syria," in H. L. J. Vanstiphout, ed., All Those Nations. Cultural Encounters within and with the Near East. Studies Presented to Han Drijvers, Groningen, Styx (1999) 21-29. Discusses Ps.-Clem. in relation to Hld. and Ach. Tat., who were apparently known in Christian circles. Of immediate interest here, B. claims (27) to date Hld. to 230-240. Noch einmal... This is based on D.U. Hansen, GCN VIII 119-129 (v. PSN 1998 15, Christian Novel), accepted uncritically by B. at 26f.: similarities of motif, situation, language between Ps.-Clem. and Hld. Similarities of incident there are: disguise, recognition, escape. But even supposing that Hld. would necessarily be the source, they are anything but conclusive; Greek novels are made of such clichés. Hansen himself points out (124 n. 25) a common source in the Odyssey for disguise and recognition (and in doing so misreports an incident in Hld.: at 7.7 Calasiris's sons do not laugh at him). And the alleged similarities of expression are faint and singularly unconvincing. This game can be played ad infinitum; it proves nothing. H.'s  references, by the way, are not always accurate.

      Bretzigheimer, G., "Die Persinna-Geschichte -- eine Erfindung des   Kalasiris? Überlegungen zu Heliodors Äthiopika, 4.12.1-13.1," WS 111 (1998) 93-118. Usually Hld. does eventually enlighten the reader, but the double explanation for Cal.'s journey to Delphi is one matter he never does resolve. The two stories cannot really be said to be compatible. I suspect that B. is right. Cal. is just a born liar, or at least mystery-maker, and there is indeed a Riss in the story, as Hefti pointed out all those years ago. Shakespeare notoriously uses an impossible double time-frame in Othello. Gareth Schmeling will give a prize for the correct solution of the problem.

      Bretzigheimer, G., "Brudermord und Kindesmord. Pseudotragik in  Heliodors Äthiopika (mit einer Appendix zum Beginn des Roman," WS 112 (1999) 59-86.

      Chrysos, Evangelos, v. Achilles Tatius.

      Cueva, E., "The Analogue of the Hero of Heliodorus' Aethiopica,"     Syllecta Classica 9 (1998) 103-113.

      Dworacki, Sylwester, "Theatre and Drama in Heliodorus'  Aethiopica," Eos 54 (1996) 355-361. Brief account of a familiar topic.

      Hardie, Philip, "A Reading of Heliodorus, Aithiopika 3.4.1 - 3.5.2,"     in Hunter, Studies in Heliodorus, v. Conference Acta, 19-39.

      Hilton, John, A Commentary on Books 3 and 4 of the Aithiopika of Heliodorus, diss. Natal (1998).

      Hilton, John, "An Ethiopian Paradox: Heliodorus, Aithiopika 4.8,"     in Hunter, Studies in Heliodorus , v. Conference Acta, 79-92.

      Hilton, John, "The Meaning of Antitheos (Hld. 4.7.15) again,Acta Classica 40 (1997) 87-90. The word does mean "hostile god", not "godlike".

      Hunter, R.L., "The Aithiopika of Heliodorus: beyond  Interpretation?," in Hunter, Studies in Heliodorus, v. Conference Acta, 40-59.

      Johne, R., "Eine äthiopische Prinzessin im griechischen Roman," in     J. Irmscher, ed., Die Literatur der Spätantike - polyethnisch und polyglottisch betrachtet. Eine Aufsatzsammlung, angeregt und herausgegeben, Amsterdam (1997) 153-159.

      Létoublon, Françoise, "A propos de Chariclée et de l' 'effet   Andromède'," REG 111 (1998) 732-734.

      Morgan, J.R., "Narrative Doublets in Heliodorus' Aithiopika, " in   Hunter, Studies in Heliodorus, v. Conference Acta, 60-78.

      Pletcher, James, "Euripides in HeliodorosAithiopika 7-8,"   GCN IX  17-27.

      Schubert, P., "Le parcours de deux prêtres dans les Éthiopiques  d'Héliodore," Maia 49 (1997) 257-264. A kind of re-run of Merkelbach, but with Calasiris and Charicles as the initiands/initiators; "their parallel destinies are the narrative instrument of a more global vision... which progressively opens up hidden truth". A complex text, certainly; it is perhaps not immediately clarified by this approach.

      Selden, Daniel, "Aithiopika and Ethiopianism," in Hunter, Studies in   Heliodorus , v. Conference Acta,   182-217.

      Telà, Mario, "Eliodoro e la critica omerica antica,"   SIFC 17.1 (1999)  71-87. Hld.'s use of Homer includes references to criticism and interpretation of Homer by later writers: examples, analysis, e.g. Hld. 3.12ff, 8.17.5. That is to say, he expected his readers to have read not only Homer but critics of Homer; he is the only novelist to do this. An acute observation, obvious when pointed out.

      Whitmarsh, Tim, "The Birth of a Prodigy: Heliodorus and the  Genealogy of Hellenism," in Hunter, Studies in Heliodorus , v. Conference Acta, 93-124.

      Whitmarsh, T., "The Writes of Passage: Cultural Initiation in  HeliodorusAethiopica," in R. Miles, ed., Constructing Identities in Late Antiquity, London/NY (1999) 16-40. The Ethiopica reveals "the open and mobile cultural pattern of late antiquity" (Miles, Introdn. 4); Hld. "articulates a new conception of cultural identity" (Whitmarsh 18). W. accepts the late date, on grounds of "style, language and much of the subject-matter" (33 n.2); shifting sands.

      Ziethen, G., "Heliodors Aithiopika und die Gesandtschaften zu den  Aithiopien,Klio 81.2 (1999) 455-490. Concerned with elements relating to economics and diplomacy in the story; a reflection of a historical tradition of foreign trade in the region. Not surprisingly in this journal, perhaps of more immediate interest to historians who do not know the Ethiopica than to novelists, who do; but once more we can see, in detail, Hld. at work arranging his story and "embroidering" it.

HISTORIA APOLLONII REGIS TYRI

      Archibald, E., v. Nachleben.

      Fernández-Savater Martín, M.V., "Técnica narrativa en la Historia   Apollonii Regis Tyri: las retrospecciones,Epos 13 (Madrid 1997) 31-53.

      Kortekaas, G.A.A., "Enigmas in and around the Historia Apollonii Regis Tyri,"Mn 51 (1998) 176-191.

      Kortekaas, G.A.A., "Historia Apollonii Regis Tyri: eine Kurznotiz,"   ZPE 122 (1998) 60. More support for a Greek original: HART's language comprehensible only as mistranslation of a Greek original, from Ach. Tat..

      Schmeling, G., "The History of Apollonius King of Tyre," in   Hofmann, Latin Fiction 141-152, v. Collections.

      Wolff, E., "Réflexion sur l'Historia Apollonii regis Tyri,"Recherches et Travaux 54 (1998) 181-188.
 

      LONGUS

      Edwards, M. J.,  "The Art of Love and the Love of Art in Longus," Acta Classica 66 (1997) 239-248.

      Fernández García, Aurelio J., "El infinitivo en el Dafnis y Cloe de  Longo: estudio funcional," Amsterdam (1997).

      LUCIAN

      Georgiadou, A., Larmour, D.H.J., "Lucian's 'Verae Historiae'  as   Philosophical Parody,"H 126 (1999) 310-325. Rather too systematic? Philosophers are certainly one of L.'s main sources of comic references in VH; but that is true elsewhere in L. too.
 

      XENOPHON EPHESIUS

      Chance, J. Bradley, "Divine Prognostications and the Movement of  Story: an Intertextual Exploration of Xenophon's Ephesian Tale and the Acts of the Apostles," in Hock, Ancient Fiction and Early Christian Narrative, v. Collections, 219-234.

      Chew, K., "Focalization in Xenophon of Ephesos' Ephesiaka," in  Hock, Ancient Fiction and Early Christian Narrative, v. Collections, 47-60.

      Chew, K., "Inconsistency and Creativity in Xenophon'  Ephesiaka," CW 91.4 (1998) 203-213.

      Enermalm, A., "An Ephesian Tale: Prayers to Isis and Other Gods,"  in M. Kiley, ed., Prayer from Alexander to Constantine, London/NY (1997?)  176-180.

      Shea, C., "Setting the Stage for Romances: Xenophon of Ephesus   and the Ecphrasis," in Hock, Ancient Fiction and Early Christian Narrative, v. Collections, 61-76 .


FRAGMENTS

      Lápez Martínez, María Paz, Fragmentos papiráceos de novela griega,  Universidad de Alicante (1996). A preliminary microfilm version appeared in 1994 (reported in PSN 1996, under Collections). It has been extensively modified to take account of subsequent publications, especially Stephens- Winkler (1995), and is now a book of some 500 pp. The body of texts treated (text, apparatus, translation, commentary) -- identified as 40 in number, some represented by more than one papyrus -- is not the same as that in SW (25 texts given, a further score mentioned). SW includes Antonius Diogenes and Iamblichus; this collection does not; but it does include, as SW does not, Nectanebus and numerous fragments extremely tenuous and/or of dubious nature (which it is none the less good to have conveniently available). There is an extensive apparatus of indices, bibliography etc.

      Luppe, W., "Abermals zum Sesongosis-Roman-Papyrus P. Oxy.  3319,ZPE 125 (1999) 85-86. Text.

      Mignogna, E., v. Ach. Tat.

      Prauscello, "Il fr. A. 2r 11-13 delle Storie fenicie di Lolliano: un   problema di interpretazione,ZPE 122 (1998) 67-70. The transaction with Persis.

      Ruiz-Montero, C., "La novela de Nino y los comienzos del género,"   in M. Brioso, F.J. González Ponce, eds., Las letras griegas bajo el imperio, Seville (1996) 135-150.

      Ryholt, Kim, "A Demotic Version of Nectanebos' Dream     (P.  Carlsberg 562)," ZPE 122 (1998) 197-200. The first known Egyptian version -- thus confirming the accepted view that the well-known Greek "Dream" was copied from an Egyptian original. Beyond this, in itself it tells us very little, but more of the ms. is likely to come to light.

      Stramaglia, A., "Il soprannaturale nella narrativa greco-latina:  testimonianze papirologiche,"GCN IX 29-60.


CHRISTIAN NOVEL

      Alexander, L., A., Better to Marry than to Burn': St. Paul and the   Greek Novel," in Hock, Ancient Fiction and Early Christian Narrative,  v. Collections, 235-256.

      Aubin, M., "Reversing Romance? The Acts of Thecla and the Ancient Novel," in Hock, Ancient Fiction and Early Christian Narrative, v. Collections, 257-272.

      Bremmer, Jan, "The Novel and the Apocryphal Acts: Place, Time and Readership," GCN IX (1998) 157-180.

       Bremmer, Jan, v. Heliodorus (on Ps.-Clem., title notwithstanding).

       Chance, J. Bradley, v. Xen. Eph.

        Hedrick, C., v. Ach. Tat.

        Hillhorst, Ton, "Erotic Elements in the Shepherd of Hermas," GCN  IX (1998) 193-204.

      Hock, R.F. et al., Ancient Fiction and Early Christian Narrative;   v.   Collections.

      Hock, R.F., "Why New Testament Scholars Should Read Ancient  Novels," in Hock, Ancient Fiction and Early Christian Narrative , v. Collections, 121-138.

      Huber-Rebenich, G., "Hagiographical Fiction as Entertainment," in  Hofmann,  Latin Fiction 187-212, v. Collections.

      Lalleman, Pieter, "The Canonical and the Apocryphal Acts of the   Apostles," GCN IX (1998) 181-192.

      Thomas, C., v. Novel, General.


NACHLEBEN

      Agapitos, Panagiotis, "Narrative, Rhetoric and 'Drama' Rediscovered: Scholars and Poets in Byzantium Interpret Heliodorus," in Hunter, Studies in Heliodorus, v.  Conference Acta, 125-126.

      Archibald, E., "Apollonius of Tyre in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance," in Hofmann, Latin Fiction, v.  Collections, 229-237.

      Bertoni, C., Fusillo, M., "Heliodorus Parthenopaeus: the Aithiopika in Baroque Naples,"  in Hunter, Studies in Heliodorus, v. Conference Acta, 157-181.

      Chrysos, Evangelos, v. Achilles Tatius.

      Plazenet, L., "L'établissement et la délectation. Réception comparée  et poétiques du roman grec en France et en Angleterre aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles," Paris (1997).

      Stoneman, R., v. Alex.-Romance.

      FORTHCOMING

      Achilles Tatius: Teubner, not immediately. Also a trans./commentary.

      Chariton: Teubner. Not immediately.

      Heliodorus: Loeb. Not immediately.

      Longus: text/trans./commentary (J.R. Morgan, Aris & Phillips); text/commentary (E.L. Bowie, Cambridge); trans./commentary (World's Classics); all well on the way.

      Proceedings of a conference on the novel in Tours, Nov. 1999.
 


RECENT LITERATURE ON THE GREEK NOVEL AND EARLY CHRISTIAN LITERATURE

by Ronald F. Hock

The Greek novels and related literature have never been part of the reading list of essential books of New Testament scholars. Indeed, as late as 1996 one scholar, when using Chariton's novel in a study of a Lukan parable, misspells the name Chaereas, refers to the passage with an incomplete citation, and admits that his knowledge of the passage had come from another scholarly work. The reasons for the neglect of these detailed, comprehensive, coherent, and roughly contemporary witnesses to the very culture into which Christianity spread are many, chief among them being the continuing dominance of theological and history of religions methods in New Testament studies.

    Fortunately, however, there is also evidence of the beginnings of a change in this situation. The number of scholars that use the novels as an analytical tool in the study of early Christian literature and history is increasing, as will be illustrated below (for earlier scholarship, see PSN 17 [1987] 9-14). But also deserving mention for this change are two other hopeful indicators. The first is the institutionalization of the effort to incorporate the novels into the repertoire of New Testament scholars. Charles Hedrick of Southwest Missouri State was instrumental in bringing New Testament and classical scholars together within the Society of Biblical Literature to form the Ancient Fiction and Early Christian and Jewish Narrative Group, which began in 1992 (see PSN 24 [1994] 6-7) and is now in its second six-year term under the leadership of Richard I. Pervo of the University of Minnesota. A selection of papers from this Group, edited by J. Bradley Chance, Judith Perkins, and me, appeared in 1998 under the title Ancient Fiction and Early Christian Literature.

    Second, and partly as a consequence of this Group's activities, is the scholarship by classicists that increasingly includes early Christian narrative literature in its studies of ancient fiction, such as the studies of the apocryphal Acts by Perkins (Suffering Self) and David Konstan ("Acts of Love"), not to mention Glen Bowersock's provocative thesis (Fiction as History) that the gospels provided some of the impetus for the development of the novel. Conversely, New Testament scholars are reciprocating with insights of their own on the novels, as seen in Pervo's comprehensive survey of the issues regarding the Life of Aesop ("Nihilist Fabula") and in Lawrence M. Wills's accurate and easily accessible translation of the Life of Aesop (Quest, 181-215). There are also studies of specific subjects, such as Douglas Edwards's analysis of religion in Chariton's narrative world ("Symbols of Power," cf. "Web of Power" and Religion and Power), not to mention my studies of friendship between Chariton's Chaereas and Polycharmus ("Extraordinary Friend") and the rhetorical ethos of the novels, especially the so-called pre-sophistic novels by Chariton and Xenophon ("Rhetoric").

    While such cross-disciplinary work is to be welcomed, it is still true that most recent research on the Greek novel and early Christian literature by New Testament scholars uses the former to illuminate the latter. Consequently, the following survey is designed to sample the variety of ways that New Testament scholars are making use of the Greek novel in their work on the Gospels, Acts, and other early Christian texts.

    I begin with the various Acts, both canonical and apocryphal, because they have in recent years proved especially amenable to comparison with the Greek novels. Pervo's groundbreaking study of the canonical Acts (Profit with Delight) has been followed up in different ways. Chance ("Prognostication") has clarified both the Acts of the Apostles and Xenophon's Ephesian Tale by comparing similarites and differences between the ways that the opening oracle of Apollo (Xenophon, 1.6.2) and Jesus' prophesy at the beginning of Acts (1:8) function in the remainder of these narratives. Dennis MacDonald ("Shipwrecks") builds on the long-recognized Homeric language in Acts 27:41 (cf. Od. 9.146-50, 546-47; 12.5-6) by marshalling many, many more parallels between the narration of the shipwrecks of Odysseus and Paul and proposes that the author of Acts had the stories of Odysseus' shipwrecks in mind. Loveday Alexander has made good use of the Greek novels when reading Acts. On the one hand, she compares ("Journeyings") the role of travel in Acts with the novels and, on the other, becomes more reflective ("Genre") when tackling the on-going debate over whether Acts would have been recognized by ancient readers as history or as fiction and uses the Greek novels to point out that Acts has features that point to both.

    The apocryphal Acts have also received their share of attention. In addition to the surveys of these Acts by Pervo ("Ancient Novel," "Early Christian Fiction," and "Hard Act to Follow"), Melissa Aubin ("Reversing Romance") argues that the Acts of Thecla invert the values of marriage and wives that inform the novels and shows that as the narrative develops Paul is increasingly feminized and Thecla masculinized. Christine Thomas ("Stories without Texts") compares the apocryphal Acts to other novelistic narratives like the Alexander Romance, the Life of Aesop, and Xenophon's Ephesian Tale, in that they all share a striking fluidity in their textual histories, which are characterized by additions, epitomization, and multiple recensions.

    The Gospels have likewise been analyzed in terms of the Greek novels, although to differing degrees as Mark has received the most attention in this regard and Matthew the least. Mark's gospel, like the others, is increasingly seen, to use Mary Ann Tolbert's apt description, as "a self-consciously crafted narrative, a fiction, resulting from literary imagination" (Sowing the Gospel, 30). Consequently, the use of Greek novels as a literary backdrop for the gospels is appropriate. Thus, a spate of studies of Mark using ancient fiction has appeared: my study ("Social Experience") of the opening verses of Mark by using Longus' detailed account of the visit of Dionysophanes to his estate, in which he is preceded by slave messengers and his son, as the social correlate to the sequencing and characterization of John the Baptist and Jesus in this gospel; MacDonald's study ("Secrecy") of the so-called "Messianic secret" in Mark that can be explained more adequately by comparing it with Odysseus' need to keep his identity secret when returning to Ithaca; Whitney Shiner's study ("Creating Plot") that compares the episodic quality of Mark's narrative with that in the Life of Aesop; and Hedrick's study ("Prayer") of how readers might have responded to Jesus praying in the Garden of Gethsemane by analyzing the way that piety is presented in Chariton's romance. In addition to these articles, there are two new book-length studies of Mark. The first is that by Wills (Quest) who argues that the similarities between Mark and John are not due to one using the other but both making use of an earlier gospel that he characterizes as an aretalogical biography that serves a cult, the closest example being the Life of Aesop. The second is MacDonald's (Homeric Epics) which is due out this spring and which argues the groundbreaking thesis that places the composition of Mark's gospel in a more literary setting, specifically one in which the Homeric epics were consciously drawn on to write the story of Jesus, such as Jesus being modelled on Hector, Bartimaeus on Teiresias, Joseph of Arimathea on Priam, and so forth.

    The other gospels have received less attention, but in the case of Luke's gospel we have several studies. Richard Ascough ("Narrative Technique") has insightfully discussed crowd scenes in Luke-Acts by comparing them with those in Chariton; Bernhard Heinenger (Metaphorik, 46-57) has analyzed the monologues in Chariton's and Xenophon's novels in order to interpret the parables of Jesus that are peculiar to Luke that often make use of monologues; and I have attempted ("Ancient Novels," 129-38, and "Foolish Rich Man") to clarify the parables of the Good Samaritan (Luke 10:25-37) and the Foolish Rich Man (12:13-21) through appeal to the Greek novels. And in the case of John's gospel there are the studies of Jo-Ann Brant ("Divine Birth" and "Husband Hunting").

    Even non-narrative texts like Paul's letters have benefitted from comparison with the Greek novels. Most intriguing is Loveday Alexander's thesis ("Better to Marry") that Paul's views on marriage in 1 Corinthians 7 have less in common with Stoic defenses of marriage, as is often supposed, than "with the imaginative world of the novelists." And, finally, I have defended ("Support") the MS reading in Phlm 9 of "old man" over the conjecture "ambassador" on the basis of the conventions of behavior regarding the obligations of children for their parents that are spelled out in the Greek novels.

      Alexander, Loveday, A." Better to Marry than to Burn:' St. Paul and the Greek Novel," in Hock et al.,  Ancient Fiction, 235-56.

      -----------------, "Fact, Fiction, and the Genre of Acts," New Testament Studies44 (1998) 380-99.

      -----------------, "In Journeyings Often:' Voyaging in the Acts of the     Apostles and in Greek Romance," in Luke's Literary Achievement: Collected Essays. C.M. Tucket, ed.; JSNT Suppl. 116; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1995, 17-39.

      Aubin, Melissa, "Reversing Romance? The Acts of Thecla and the  Ancient Novel," in Hock et al., Ancient Fiction, 257-72.

      Ascough, Richard S., "Narrative Technique and Generic Designation:  Crowd Scenes in Luke-Acts and in Chariton,"Catholic Biblical Quarterly 58 (1996) 69-81.

      Bowersock, Glen W., Fiction as History: Nero to Julian.  Sather  Classical Letures 58; Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994.

      Brant, Jo-Ann, "Divine Birth and Apparent Parents: The Plot of the  Fourth Gospel," in Hock et al., Ancient Fiction, 199-217.

      -----------------, "Husband Hunting: Characterization and Narrative Art in  the Gospel of John," Biblical Interpretation 4 (1996) 205-23.

      Chance, J. Bradley, "Divine Prognostication and the Movement of     Story: An Intertextual Exploration of Xenophon's Ephesian Tale and the Acts of the Apostles," in Hock et al., Ancient Fiction, 219-34.

      Cooper, Kate, The Virgin and the Bride: Idealized Womanhood in Late Antiquity. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1996.

      Edwards, Douglas R., "Defining the Web of Power in Asia Minor," Journal of the American Academy of Religion 62 (1994) 699-718.

      -----------------, "Pleasurable Reading or Symbols of Power: Religious  Themes and Social Context in Chariton," in Hock et al.,   Ancient Fiction, 31-46.

      -----------------, Religion and Power: Pagans, Jews, and Christians in the  Greek East.  New York: Oxford University Press, 1996.

      Hedrick, Charles W., "Conceiving the Narrative: Colors in Achilles  Tatius and the Gospel of Mark," in Hock et al., Ancient Fiction, 177-97.

      -----------------, "Representing Prayer in Mark and Chariton," Perspectives  in Religious Studies 22 (1995) 239-57.

      Heinenger, Bernhard, Metaphorik, Erzählstruktur und szenisch-dramatische Gestaltung in den Sondergutgleichnissen bei Lukas. Aschendorff: Münster, 1991.

      Hock, Ronald F., "An Extraordinary Friend in Chariton's Callirhoe:  The Importance of Friendship in the Greek Romances," in Greco-Roman Perspectives on Friendship.  J. T. Fitzgerald, ed.; SBL Resources for Biblical Study 34; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1997, 145-62.

      -----------------, "The Parable of the Foolish Rich Man (Luke 12:16-20) and  Greco-Roman Conventions of Thought and Behavior," in Early Christianity and Classical Culture: Essays in Honor of  Abraham J. Malherbe. J. T. Fitzgerald et al., eds.; Valley Forge, PA: Trinity Press International, forthcoming.

      -----------------, "The Rhetoric of Romance," in Handbook of Classical Rhetoric in the Hellenistic Period 330 B.C. - A.D. 400. S. Porter, ed.; Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1997, 445-65.

      -----------------, "Social Experience and the Beginning of the Gospel of  Mark," in Reimagining Christian Origins: A Colloquium Honoring Burton L. Mack. E.A. Castelli and H. Taussig, eds.; Valley Forge, PA: Trinity Press International, 1996, 311-26.

      -----------------, "A Support for his Old Age: Paul's Plea on behalf of  Onesimus," in The Social World of the First Christians: Essays in Honor of Wayne A. Meeks. L.M. White and O.L. Yarborough, eds.; Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1995, 67-81.

      -----------------, "Why New Testament Scholars Should Read Ancient  Novels," in Hock et al., Ancient Fiction, 121-38.

      Hock, Ronald F., J. Bradley Chance, and Judith Perkins, eds., Ancient Fiction and Early Christian Narrative. Symposium Series 6; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1998.

      Konstan, David, "Acts of Love: A Narrative Pattern in the  Apocryphal Acts,"Journal of Early Christian Studies 6 (1994) 15-36.

      MacDonald, Dennis R., The Homeric Epics and the Gospel of Mark.  New Haven: Yale University Press, forthcoming.

      -----------------, "Secrecy and Recognition in the Odyssey and Mark: Where  Wrede Went Wrong," in Hock et al., Ancient Fiction, 139-53.

      -----------------, "The Shipwrecks of Odysseus and Paul," New Testament Studies 45 (1999) 88-107.

      Morgan, John R., and Richard Stoneman, eds., Greek Fiction: TheGreek Novel in Context. London and New York: Routledge, 1994.

      Perkins, Judith, The Suffering Self: Pain and Narrative Representation in the Early Christian Era. London and New York: Routledge, 1995.

      Pervo, Richard I., "The Ancient Novel becomes Christian," in  Schmeling, Novel, 685-    711.

      -----------------, "Early Christian Fiction," in Morgan and Stoneman,  Fiction, 239-54.

      -----------------, "A Hard Act to Follow: The Acts of Paul and the Canonical Acts," Journal of Higher Criticism 2 (1995) 3-32.

      -----------------, "A Nihilist Fabula: Introducing the Life of Aesop," in Hock  et al.,  Ancient Fiction, 77-120.

      -----------------, Profit with Delight: The Literary Genre of the Acts of theApostles. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1987.

      Rosen, K., "The Historian and the Gospels," Acta Classica 42 (1999)  139-154. Resists current literary interpretation of the NT.

      Schmeling, Gareth, ed., The Novel in the Ancient World. Leiden:  E.J. Brill, 1996.

      Shiner, Whitney, "Creating Plot in Episodic Narratives: The Life of  Aesop and the Gospel of Mark," in Hock et al.,  Ancient Fiction, 155-76.

      Thomas, Christine, "Stories without Texts and without Authors: The  Problem of Fluidity in Ancient Novelistic Texts and Early Christian Literature," in Hock et al., Ancient Fiction, 273-91.

      Tolbert, Mary Ann, Sowing the Gospel: Mark's World in Literary- Historical Perspective. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1989.

      Wills, Lawrence M., The Quest of the Historical Gospel: Mark, John and the Origin of the Gospel Genre. London and New York: Routledge, 1997.


THE BYZANTINE NOVEL

by C. Jouanno

         If I am not mistaken, this is the first report about the Byzantine Novel in the PSN. I have included in this review of recently published books and articles (1997-1999) a couple of somewhat older "basic" works that have become standard tools for the Byzantinists.

    There has been a remarkable revival of the previously much deprecated Byzantine novels in the last years, and the effort to make these still little-known works accessible to modern readers has resulted in many new editions, translations and anthologies, as the review below will show.
   

CONFERENCE ACTA

     Medioevo romanzo e orientale. Colloqui 4. Il viaggio dei testi, III  colloquio internazionale, Venezia 10-13 ottobre 1996, ed. A. Pioletti - R. Rizzo-Nervo, Biblioteca dell' Istituto Ellenico di Studi Bizantini e Postbizantini di Venezia 21, Rubbettino, 1999, 622 pp. About cultural exchanges and textual circulation; includes papers about post-Byzantine texts such as the , which will not be listed in this report. V. infra Cupane, Scarcia, Lassithiotakis, Rizzo Nervo, Pecoraro.

    Prosa y verso en Griego Medieval. Rapports (sic) of the  International Congress "Neograeca Medii Aevi" III (Vitoria 1994), ed. J.M. Egea - J. Alonso, Hakkert, Amsterdam, 1996. V. infra Smith, Badenas, Niehoff-Panayotidis, Alonso, Omatos, Ricks, Agapitos, Danezis, Moreno-Jurado, Spadaro, Olsen.
   

EDITIONS AND TRANSLATIONS

       V. Digenes Akrites (Jeffreys, Jouanno, Odorico, Rizzo Nervo),     Prodromos (Plepelits), Vernacular Novels (Betts, Cupane), Achilleid (Smith-Agapitos-Hult), Polemos tês Troados (Jeffreys-Papathômopoulou), Sôphrosune (Schönauer).  

NOVEL, GENERAL

       P. A. Agapitos, "Narrative, Rhetoric and 'Drama' Rediscovered:  Scholars and Poets in Byzantium Interpret Heliodoros", in R. Hunter (ed.), Studies in Heliodorus, Cambridge Philological Society, Supplementary Volume 21, Cambridge, 1998, 125-156. About the reception of Heliodorus from the 9th to the 12th century, with a thorough examination of the often quoted testimonies of Photios and Psellos. The ancient novel was perceived by these authors as 'drama' in the Byzantine meaning of the word, which implied pathos and rhetoric. The revival of erotic narrative in the mid-12th-century Constantinople must be seen as a logical conclusion of this Byzantine reading of the ancient novel as 'tragedy': the new works are marked by a strong tendency to dramatisation and make an intensive use of all means of rhetorical amplification and tragic rearrangement.

       W.J. Aerts, "Das literarische Porträt in der byzantinischen Literatur", Groningen Colloquia on the Novel 8, 1997, 151-195. Special attention is paid to portraits in epics (Digenes Akrites), in learned and vernacular novels (Achilleid, Belthandros); influence of the ancient novel's standards; penetration of the 'romantic type' description into Byzantine historical works (Psellos, Anna Comnena).

       R. Beaton, The Medieval Greek Romance, 2nd ed., Routledge,  London -NY, 1996, 301 pp. A revised and enlarged version of the 1989 edition ; the 'Afterword' (pp. 207-227) surveys the most important items that have attracted the attention of scholars since 1987 till the end of 1994, and presents a response to the harsh (and often unfair) criticisms expressed by P.A. Agapitos and O. Smith  in The Study of Medieval Greek Romance (1992).

       -----------------, "The Byzantine Revival of the Ancient Novel," in The Novel in the Ancient World, ed. G. Schmeling, Leiden, 1996, 713-733. A general survey of the place of the Byzantine novel after the end of the ancient world.

       -----------------, "Critical Studies. 'In the Goddess' Name I Summon You':  Byzantine and Modern (Greek) Fortunes of the Ancient Novel", BMGS 21, 1997, 231-245. A review of three books on the Greek and Byzantine novel published in 1996 (S. MacAlister, Dreams and Suicides; H. Tonnet, Histoire du roman grec; M.A. Doody, The True Story of the Novel : v. infra).

       C. Cupane, "Bisanzio e la letteratura della Romania. Peregrinazioni  del romanzo medievale", in Medioevo romanzo e orientale, 31-49. The great difference between 12th c. learned and 14th c. vernacular novels (which have dropped a good deal of the Hellenistic legacy and present new structures and new myths) may be seen as a consequence of the Byzantines' cultural contacts with the West, and as a proof of the Byzantine ability to assimilate foreign influences and turn them to profit. Earlier traces of the same capacity are to be found between the 9th and the 11th c. -- golden age for the cultural exchanges with the East, as testify the translations of Syntipas, Stephanites and Barlaam.

       M.A. Doody, The True Story of the Novel, Rutgers University Press,   NY, 1996, 580 pp. + 38 plates. Covers two thousands years of literary history and quotes works written in a dozen languages. The first part of the book focuses on the ancient novel (Greek and Latin), the second on the continuity of the genre down to the 18th century (with a significant place made for Byzantine texts), the third offers a synchronic examination of the 'tropes' of the novel.

       S. MacAlister, Dreams and Suicides : the Greek Novel from Antiquity to the Byzantine Empire, Routledge, London-NY, 1996, IX-235 pp. An attempt to track the peculiarity and inventiveness of the 12th c. novels, by examining the way they adapted two important items of their Greek models, dreams and suicides. An interesting study is devoted to the "interim period" (4th - 11th c.), with the hagiographical literature as a substitute for romantic narrative [review in BZ 91, 1998, 166-171, by C. Cupane].

       P. Odorico, "L'amour à Byzance", Europe-Revue littéraire mensuelle,   75ème année, n822, oct. 1997, 34-46. About the scarcity of considerations about love in Byzantine literature (with the exception of the mystical love of God and the fraternal link of friendship in God). Even the 12th-century erotic novels do not include a real exploration of the amorous feeling and it is only in the works of the last Byzantine period (vernacular 14th-century novels) that love really becomes the object of an attentive inquiry.

       D. Reinsch, "Zwischen Hoch- und Volkssprache -- Romane und  Heldenlieder", in Brockhaus. Die Bibliothek, Kunst und Kultur, Bd 3, Leipzig / Mannheim, 1997, 669-671.

       F. Rizzo Nervo, "Percorsi della cornice narrativa", Medioevo  romanzo e orientale, 251-259. In this general survey about narrative texts, special emphasis is put on oriental novel (Barlaam, Sindbad / Syntipas, Kalila and Dimna) and 14th c. vernacular novels (Callimachos, Libistros).

       P. Schreiner, "Der Austauch von literarischen Motiven und Ideen  zwischen Ost und West im Mittelmeerraum", in Europa Medievale e il Mondo Bizantino, Contatti effettivi e possibilita di studi comparati (Tavola rotonda del XVIII congresso del CISH, Montreal, 29 agosto 1995), ed. G. Arnali - G. Cavallo, Istituto storico italiano per il Medio Evo (Nuovi studi storici 40), Rome, 1997, 73-80. Among other examples of cultural exchanges between East and West Schreiner quotes the Latin translation of Barlaam (1048) and the production of Imberios, based upon a cloister-foundation legend probably brought to Byzantium by Cistercian monks from South France. The conclusion is that exchange of ideas and motifs did not rest only on oral tradition, but also needed a written basis to develop.

       O.L. Smith, "Towards a New Approach to the Byzantine   Romances", in Prosa y verso, 331-339. Opposing the theory of a literary diglossia between vernacular and learned romance, Smith underlines the existence of learned elements with important literary function in the vernacular texts: he concludes that the public of vernacular romances cannot have been very different from that of the learned works. Examples are drawn mostly from the Achilleid.

       H. Tonnet, Histoire du roman grec (des origines à 1960), L'Harmattan, Série Études Grecques, Paris, 1996, 304 pp. Although the purpose of the book is to show the existence of a united tradition of fictional writing in Greek language, the focus is mainly put upon the different trends of the novel as a genre in modern Greece, and the chapters devoted to Greek and Byzantine texts are rather swift.
 
 

BARLAAM AND IOASAPH

      P. Badenas, "Metafrasis en griego vulgar de la Historia de Barlaam y Josaphat", in Prosa y verso, 59-73. About adaptations of Barlaam in   in Mount Athos and in Cretan context (XVth -- XVIIth c.).

       E. Khintibidze, "New Materials on the Origin of Barlaam and   Ioasaph", Orientalia Christiana Periodica 63, 1997, 491-501. New arguments to support the authorship of Euthymios the Georgian in the last quarter of the 10th century.

       S. Kotzabassi, "Ein unbekanntes Fragment des Barlaam und Joasaph  Romans", Byzantinische Zeitschrift 92, 2, 1999, 471-473.

       G. Scarcia, "Sull' origine di Ioasaf", in Medioevo romanzo e  orientale, 381-392. Syrian origins of Ioasaph, and not Indian ones ?

       R. Volk, "Symeon Metaphrastes -- ein Benutzer des Barlaam-Romans", Rivista di Studi Bizantini e Neoellenici 33, 1996, 67-180. A comparison of the Barlaam Romance with the texts of fifteen Metaphrastic Lives : twelve of them show an influence of the hagiographic novel, the Passio of St Catherina and the Lives of St Martinianos, Aberkios, Zenobios, Bonifatios, John Kalybites, Ioannikios from Bithynia, Thekla, Barbara, Polyeuktes, Stephanos the Younger, Thomas the Apostle (whose text is reedited and paraphrased by Volk p. 148-167). Symeon Metaphrastes thus appears as the first known user of the Barlaam romance, whose text he read not in its Urform, but in one of its successive rewritings (most often the B modification).
 
 

STEPHANITES AND ICHNELATES

       H. Condylis-Bassoukos, Stéphanitès kai Ichnélatès, traduction   grecque (XIème s.) du livre Kalila wa-Dimna d'Ibn al-Muqaffa (VIIIème siècle). Étude lexicologique et littéraire, Académie Royale de Belgique, Classe des Lettres, Fonds René Draguet, t. 11, Aedibus Peeters, Louvain, 1997, XXXI + 239 pp. A study of the acculturisation process in Stephanites. The work is based on a methodical comparison of the Greek text with its Arabic original. The task was complicated by the inadequacy / lack of editions of both Greek and Arabic (numerous) versions of the novel; the results nevertheless seem conclusive thanks to the additional resorting to Syriac versions and later testimonies of the Arabic version in Hebrew and Spanish translations.

       Y. Niehoff-Panayotidis, "Original arabe y adaptacion neogriega : el   caso del Calila y Dimna", in Prosa y verso, 267-273. 

TWELFTH-CENTURY NOVELS

GENERAL

       R. Harder, "Die Funktion der Briefe im byzantinischen Roman des     12. Jahrhunderts", in Die antike Roman und seine mittelalterliche Rezeption, ed. M. Picone - B. Zimmermann, Birkhäuser, Basel-Boston (Mass.)-Berlin, 1997, 231-244. About love letters in Macrembolites and Eugenianos; originality of the latter who, unlike Macrembolites, faithful to his ancient models and their narrative use of epistolographic material, inserts letters akin to lyric poetry and progymnasmata -- an illustration of the validity of Bachtin's concept of heteroglossy in Byzantine novel.

       E. Jeffreys, "The Novels of Mid-Twelfth Century Constantinople.   The Literary and Social Context", in Aetos. Studies in honour of C. Mango, ed. I. Sevcenko -- I. Hutter, Teubner, Stuttgart -- Leipzig, 1998, 191-199. About the audience of the 12th c. novels, their social and cultural background: the reemergence of the genre in the 1140s / 1150s has to be connected with "the romantic tastes of the Comnenian aristocracy and the academic pretensions of its followers" -- as implied by the high level of literacy of the texts, which E. Jeffreys defines as a "superlative act of mimesis".

       F. Meunier, "Le voyage imaginaire dans le roman byzantin du  XIIème siècle", Byzantion 68, 1, 1998, 72-90. About external / geographical, and internal / initiatic journey in Greek and Byzantine novel. The author underlines the lesser extension of Byzantine journeys and the frequent imprecision of their geographical setting: she interprets this new trend as a result of the (very controversial) 12th-century crisis. She regrettably ignores much recent work about the Byzantine novel and still quotes the old Hercher edition (1859) as <<la meilleure à ce jour>> !
 

EUSTATHIOS MACREMBOLITES

       I. Nilsson, "Phantasia: A Wise and Subtle Artist. Visualizing a   Twelfth-Century Ekphrasis", in Kairos. Studies in Art History and Literature in Honour of Professor G. Äkerström-Hougen, ed. E. Piltz - P. Äström, Paul Äström Förlag, Jonsered, 1998, 50-65. An attempt to recreate the mental pictures of a Byzantine reading the descriptions of Macrembolites' novel, by reference to the 12th c. paintings preserved in three Byzantine churches of Cyprus, adorned in a sophisticated, Constantinopolitan style.

THEODOROS PRODROMOS

       R.E. Harder, "Diskurse über die Gastlichkeit im Roman des Theodoros Prodromos", in Groningen Colloquia on the Novel 8, 1997, 131-149. About the five banquet-scenes included in Prodromos' novel -- four Greek banquets, whose main function is to structure the love-story, and one Barbarian anti-banquet, with a political function, as shown by a comparison of the episode with the Byzantine imperial court's practises.

       K. Plepelits, Theodoros Prodromos, Rhodanthe und Dosikles,  Bibliothek der griechischen Literatur Bd 42, A. Hiersemann, Stuttgart, 1996, 182 pp. A translation regrettably based not on the recent edition of Marcovich (1992), but on the updated text of Hercher (1859), by the translator of Macrembolites (in the same collection, Bd 29, Stuttgart, 1989). With a short 21 page introduction about the chronological and geographical setting of the novel, the names of the characters, the style and language of the work [review in Byzantion 68, 1, 1998, 224-225, by F. Meunier; in BZ 91, 1998, 185-190, by C. Cupane; in JÖB 48, 1998, 360-363, by M. Grünbart].
 
 

VERNACULAR NOVELS

GENERAL

       J. Alonso, , in Prosa y verso, 17-28. About metric problems: quotations from Digenes Akrites and the Achilleid.

       G. Betts, Three Medieval Greek Romances: Velthandros and Chrysandza, Kallimachos and Chrysorroi, Livistros and Rodamni, Garland Library of Medieval Literature vol. 98, Series B, NY -- London, 1995, XLI - 192 pp.. A translation of three 14th c. vernacular texts, with a general introduction about the evolution of the novel as a literary genre from Antiquity to late Byzantium [review in REB 55, 1997, 364 ; in BMGS 21, 1997, 258-259, by E. Jeffreys, who has theoretical reservations about the translation of texts whose edition is not satisfactory].

       C. Cupane, Romanzi cavallereschi bizantini, Classici Greci, Utet,     Torino, 1995, 734 pp. The companion piece to F. Conca's Il romanzo bizantino del XII secolo, published in the same collection in 1994. The Byzantine vernacular production being richer than the learned one, C. Cupane had to make a choice and selected six texts representative of the different trends of the genre: purely Byzantine novels such as Callimachos, Belthandros and the Achilleid; adaptations from the West such as Florios and Apollonios; and an allegorical narrative, the Logos Parêgorêtikos Dystychias kai Eutychias. The texts whose textual tradition requires further investigation have been deliberately put aside, hence the absence of Libistros. For the six texts given in the book, a systematic recollation has been carried out between the most recent editions and the manuscripts. The introduction provides a comprehensive picture of the Late Byzantine novel [review in REB 55, 1997, 303-304 by M. Cacouros ; in JÖB 47, 1997, 307-310 by R. Beaton].

       M. Lassithiotakis, "Le personnage du 'chevalier errant'  dans la  littérature byzantine vulgaire et post-byzantine", Medioevo romanzo e orientale, 189-205. About the adaptation of the well-known Western motif of the wandering knight in a Byzantine (and post-Byzantine) context. The author reviews a large set of vernacular texts (from Digenes Akrites to  Erotocritos, including Neo-hellenic versions of the Alexander Romance): he concludes with a progressive reduction of heroic themes to the benefit of chivalric motifs.

       R. Lavagnini, "Storie troiane in greco volgare", Posthomerica I.    Tradizioni omeriche dall' Antichita al Rinascimento, ed. F. Montanari - S. Pittaluga, Università di Genova, Facolta di Lettere, Genova, 1997, 49-62. In a survey about Trojan stories in Byzantium, considerations on the Byzantine Iliad and the Achilleid as "romans d'Antiquité" based upon entirely Byzantine sources.

       O. Omatos, , in Prosa y verso, 287-298. About one of the items of ideal beauty in Byzantium; quotations from Digenes Akrites, Belthandros, Imberios, Achilleid.
 
 

DIGENES AKRITES

       R. Beaton,  J. Kelly, and  T. Lentarê,  Panepistêmiakês Ekdoseis Krêtês, 1995, 360 pp. A concordance to DA, version E.

       G. de Boel, "La mort de Digénis Akritis dans le roman et dans les   chants", Byzantion 69, 1, 1999, 24-57. About the controversial question of the relationship between the epic of DA and the folksongs: de Boel pronounces in favour of the priority of the epic, which he considers as the source of the songs.

       L. Garland, "Byzantium's Age of Chivalry: The Historical Context of   Digenes Akrites and the Akritic Songs", Modern Greek Studies Yearbook 12/13, 1996/1997, 573-589. A review article of R. Beaton and  D. Ricks (ed.), Digenes Akrites: New Approaches to Byzantine Heroic Poetry (1993).

       M. Jeffreys, "Digenis Akritis: The Use of Later Manuscripts to  reconstruct the Escorial Version", Byzantion 67, 1997, 60-69. A critical view of the principles used by St. Alexiou in his edition of the Escorial version (Athens, 1985); unreliability of the Z version for a reconstruction of E: "The scribe of the compilation Z was reacting as an editor to the readings of E and trying to make sense of them, just like modern editors".

       E. Jeffreys, Digenis Akritis. The Grottaferrata and Escorial Versions,   Cambridge Medieval Classics 7, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge-NY-Melbourne, 1998, LXII - 398 pp. A new edition of the two major versions of DA, with an English translation and a condensed introduction which takes stock of all the main headings of Acritic studies.

       -----------------, "Byzantium's Epic Past: A Twelfth-Century Perspective", in  T.W. Hillard et alii (eds.), Ancient History in a Modern University, vol. 2, Grand Rapids, Michigan, 1998, 445-452.

       C. Jouanno, Digénis Akritas, le héros des frontières. Une épopée byzantine, Brepols, Témoins de notre histoire, Turnhout, 1998, 320 pp. A translation of the Grottaferrata version and an historical and literary analysis of the text.

       P. Odorico, Digenis Akritas: poema anonimo bizantino, Giunti,   Firenze, 1995, 235 p.. An Italian translation of the Grottaferrata version, with a preface by E.V. Maltese about Digenis as a border-hero.

       -----------------, "L'akritas a-t-il bâti un château?", Actes de la Conférence "Le  Sud-Est européen, carrefour de civilisations" (Siège de l'Unesco, Paris, 9-10 févr. 1998), Association Internationale d'Études du Sud-Est européen, Bulletin 28, 1998-1999, n spécial, p. 199-204. An attempt to define the identity of the akritai; the epic of DA is to be seen as the expression of a Greek-speaking world situated outside the Byzantine state, and largely open to crossings and confrontations.

       D.G. Petalas, , Diss. Athens, Alea, 1995, 282 pp.

       D. Ricks, "Maximou's Metamorphoses", in Prosa y verso, 321-330.     Study of the Maximou episode in order to show "diagnostically" to what degree each of the versions of DA differs from its predecessor.

       F. Rizzo Nervo, Dighenis Akritis. Versione dell' Escorial, Medioevo   Romanzo e Orientale, Testi 3, Rubbettino, 1996, 201 pp. After Rick's English translation of the Escorial version (1990), an Italian translation based on Alexiou's edition (1985), with a significant number of emendations of the text. Much of the 56 page introduction is devoted to a comparison of the G and E versions: the conclusion is that the G version reflects Constantinopolitan views about morals and society, whereas E is more open to Oriental influences. G consequently describes the heroic world of Digenes from the outside, whereas E describes it from the inside.
 
 

LIBISTROS AND RHODAMNE

       P.A. Agapitos, , in Prosa y verso, 1-16.

       G. Danezis, "", in Prosa y verso, 111-137. Presents (among others) new testimonies from Libistros.

       J.A. Moreno Jurado, "Tormentos de amor en la Aquileida y en Livistro y Rodamna," in Prosa y verso, 259-265.
 
 

ACHILLEID

       O.L. Smith , The Byzantine Achilleid: the Naples Version, edited   and prepared for publication by P.A. Agapitos and K. Hult, Wiener Byzantinische Studien 21, Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Wien, 1999, XII-231 pp. A critical edition of the second of the three known versions of the Achilleid (Smith already published the Oxford version in Copenhagen, 1990). With an extended literary commentary on the text (p. 77-154) and four appendices: 1) the reproduction of the Oxford version (without critical apparatus), 2) a study about narrator and audience in medieval Greek vernacular literature, 3) a study about sexuality and sexual morality in Byzantine romance, 4) remarks about the language of the London version.

       G. Spadaro, ", in Prosa y  verso,  341-348.
 
 

IMBERIOS AND MARGARONA

       V. Pecoraro, "Qamar az-Zaman, Pierre de Provence,"", in Medioevo romanzo e orientale, 515-534. Although a direct adaptation of Pierre de Provence, Imberios preserves some features peculiar to the Oriental model of the French romance, Qamar az-Zaman (1001 Nights, no 170-217) and to its first Western versions. The fact may be due to the existence in Byzantium of a preexistent tradition of the same story elaborated directly from Oriental sources.
 

POLEMOS TÊS TROADOS

       E.M. Jeffreys - M. Papathômopoulou,  (the War of Troy).   Athens, 1996, CXXXVII - 750 pp. - 8 plates. Editio princeps of a 14,400 line romance, transmitted through five major manuscripts and two substantial fragments, varying considerably in wording and linguistic pretensions. The long introduction (in English) contains an analysis of the text, discussion of its sources (with a survey about the legends of Troy from late Antiquity to the Middle Ages -- in Western Europe and Byzantium), a careful comparison of the Greek work with its French original, the Roman de Troie by Benoît de Sainte Maure, sections about Language (a poetic Kunstsprache required by a tradition of oral poetry in political verse?), Formulae, Metre, Manuscripts, Illustrations (in the Par. Gr. 2978), Manuscript Relationships and the Principles of the edition. The chapters about formulae, metre, manuscript relationships and the principles of the edition are due to the collaboration of Michael Jeffreys [review in REB 55, 1997, 346-347, by M.H. Congourdeau; in BMGS 22, 1998, 328-332, by T. Lentari].
 
 

THESEIS

       B. Olsen, , in Prosa y  verso, 281-285.
 
 

SÔPHROSUNÊ

       S. Schönauer, Untersuchungen zum Steinkatalog des Sophrosyne- Gedichtes des Meliteniotes mit kritischer Edition der Verse 1107-1247, Meletemata Bd 6, Hamburg, 1996, 208 pp. A linguistic and literary study of Meliteniotes' ekphrasis, with a palaeographic investigation about the codex unicus of the text and a new edition of the verses 1107-1247 containing the description of Sophrosyne's precious bed.
 
 

FORTHCOMING

       P.A. Agapitos,, Athens, 2000.

        L'épopée romane au Moyen  Âge et aux temps modernes. Actes du     XIVème Congrès International de la Société Rencesvals (Naples, 24-30 juill. 1997), 2000 (will include papers about Digenis).

        Les personnages du roman grec (Tours, November 1999), ed. B.  Pouderon - Chr. Huntziger, Presses de la Maison de l'Orient Méditerranéen, Lyon (papers on 12th c. novel, Digenes and the Achilleid).

       Der Roman im Byzanz der Komnenenzeit. Ein internationales  Symposium (Berlin, April 1998), ed. P.A. Agapitos - D.R. Reinsch, Meletemata 8, Wiesbaden, 2000 (devoted entirely to 12th-century narrative).

        Strangers to Themselves, ed. D. Smythe, Aldershot, 2000 (will  include papers about Digenis and Byzantine novel).
 



 

NOTES

ANTONIUS DIOGENES AND LUCIAN

by Barry Baldwin

    The recent combination of reading Gareth Schmeling (ed.), The Novel In The Ancient World (Leiden 1996), and composing a magazine article on ancient science fiction generates some fresh thoughts on this old war-horse. I shall be as summary as possible: "L'art d'ennuyer, c'est tout dire." And we do not need Bakhtin.

    Before 1985, the world and his wife accepted Photius' claim that Wonders Beyond Thule was the "fount and root" of the True Histories. Then came J.R. Morgan's elaborate and absolute denial of this dependency in CQ 35.2 (1985) 475-90, adding for good measure the notion -- anticipated by L. Di Gregorio, Aevum 42 (1968) 199-211, enlarged by S. Swain, LCM 17.5 (1992) 74-6 -- that Antonius Diogenes himself may have been satiric, thus for Lucian to write a parody of a parody would have been pointless. C.P. Jones, Culture and Society In the Age of Lucian (Cambridge, MA 1986) 54, seems independently -- he doesn't mention Morgan, who probably appeared too late for him to do so -- to have concluded that "Wonders Beyond Thule can scarcely have been a major source of the True Histories." Now, via his brief and salty pages (556-58) in Schmeling, Graham Anderson has re-erected the traditional idol. I enter these crowded lists Horatianly: ac ne forte roges quo me duce, quo lare tuter, / nullius addictus iurare in verba magistri.

    Lucian does not mention Antonius Diogenes. Should he have? Could he have? Apart from the terminus provided by the mentions of him in Porphyry's mid third-century AD Life of Pythagoras (10, 32), we know nothing about Antonius' date; the few papyrus scraps that may or may not (some writers are unwarrantedly confident) be from his novel seem datable to more or less the same time. Forgetting Photius for the moment, Antonius could conceivably have written after Lucian.

    At the other chronological end, Photius deduced that Antonius might have flourished not long after Alexander the Great, presumably because of that worthy's appearance in one of the novel's narratives. The Patriarch has been unfairly derided for this. It was only a provisional theory. His exact words, neglected by his critics, are: "We have not yet ascertained anything definite (oupo ti saphes echomen) about the time at which Antonius Diogenes flourished." The words "not yet" imply further research was in the offing, an intriguing glimpse into Photian method; and just where was he going to look for his information?

    Some moderns, e.g. Morgan and Gerald Sandy in Bryan Reardon (ed.), Collected Ancient Greek Novels (Berkeley & Los Angeles 1989) 775, believe the name Antonius implies an imperial Roman date. I don't see why. Such hybrid nomenclature was common at least by the late Republic -- look at some of the onomastics in Suetonius' De Grammaticis. It would be agreeable to push Wonders Beyond Thule back to the third century BC and thereby make it coaeval with the Latin translation of the Odyssey -- the novel was also in 24 books, either homage or parody: did Petronius do likewise? -- by Livius Andronicus (look at his Graeco-Roman name).

    Jones, while not taking the Morgan-Sandy tack, opines that Antonius "may have flourished in the first century." But the temptation most often succumbed to -- unless you follow the gospel according to Jacques Bompaire, Lucien Ecrivain: Imitation et Création (Paris 1958), which denies any contemporary bite to the Samosatan -- is to make Antonius and Lucian tautochrone. The advantage of this instinct (it is no more than that) is that it gives Lucian a nastily good reason not to mention him: he did not want to advertise a rival in the field, a very academic silence. On the other hand, this line of reasoning did not occur to Photius, who may of course have overvalued the literary importance of Antonius Diogenes: cf. Glen Bowersock's celebrated deduction, Greek Sophists In The Roman Empire (Oxford 1969) 116, that Lucian, ignored by Philostratus, "perhaps was not very important" -- the contemporary reference to him in an Arabic translation of Galen did not come to light until 1976, a nice example of how one chance discovery can upset a modern scholarly applecart.

    Lucian himself, citing only two targets by name, the centuries-old Ctesias and Iambulus, makes it clear enough in the preface that his novel is a parody of ancient (palaion) historians, philosophers, and poets. This unambiguous statement has not been properly acknowledged by some modern commentators. The goddess Zeitgeist can seduce writers on the Antonine Age. For Bowersock (69-75), it was a time of hypochondria, also of real diseases (especially gout -- more than a footnote), or miracle cures, prescribed by Asclepius for the suffering and insufferable Aelius Aristides, of oneiromancy, of the vogue for other Lucian targets, the charlatans Alexander of Abonuteichus and Peregrinus Proteus. Bowersock might have added that it was also the age of Hadrian's freedman Phlegon of Tralles, whose Mirabilia (a kind of ancient Ripley's Believe It Or Not!) was rich in multiple births of often Fellini-esque freaks and sex-changes, usually women into men, along with women giving birth to snakes, pregnant male homosexuals, and a 100-cubit coffin with matching-size corpse that was 5000 years old at death. Aulus Gellius (NA 9.4) found lots of Mirabilia in a Brundisium bookshop. Despite some professed embarrassment at his own low taste, Gellius (like Photius) was a fan of the genre (they might nowadays be Trekkies or camping outside the theatres for the première of the latest Star Wars movie), and hastened to buy them. Their Forteana were typical: Scythian cannibals, Dog-Headed Folk, One-Eyed Giants, fast-running creatures with inverted feet, and the denizens of "remote Albania" whose hair turned white in childhood. These book were all Greek, all (in harmony with Lucian's preface) by ancient writers, only six of whom are named, one being Ctesias. There is, though, a further point. These volumes were in bad condition from age and neglect and were unexpectedly cheap (mira atque insperata vilitate). Evidently not all readers of the age went in for such stuff, thus there was a built-in audience for parodies of it.

    Lucian had his cake and ate it, not only in the True Histories but also his notably many other works of science fiction. As he notes, Amazing Stories went back to Homer. In the 5th century BC, Philolaus the Pythagorean calculated that lunar plants and animals were 15 times bigger than earthly ones, while his contemporary Herodorus said moon women lay eggs that hatch moonlets 15 times the size of terrestrial toddlers, also that vultures come from the moon; Aristotle did not blush to cite this latter opinion in History of Animals. Various pre-Socratics speculated about lunar life; Lucretius accepted other worlds containing different species; Seneca mentions fellow-Stoics' belief that the sun also was inhabited, a fantasy brought to literary life by Lucian (and perhaps Antonius Diogenes), who would have savoured the joke about the Irish astronaut planning to visit the sun -- at night. Encapsulating ancient lunar theories in his essay The Face in the Moon (AD 72), Plutarch, who disdains a story that a man once fell from the moon to earth, and who (like Lucian) combines lunar themes with tales of a remote continent thought by Kepler and others down to Mair in 1909 to be America, sums up without naming names: "There is much talk on these matters, serious and frivolous." Yet another Lucian contemporary, the astrogeographer Ptolemy, epigrammatically combines science and humanism:

            I am merely mortal
            But when I see the stars,
            I feel like an immortal,
            With Jupiter and Mars. (Greek Anthology 9.577)

    Zeitgeist, then, is no help in locating Antonius Diogenes. I don't here need or intend to plod through all the correlations of detail between his novel and Lucian's: "vixere fortes ante Agamemnona,"  especially A. Stengel, De Luciani Veris Historiis (Berlin 1911), a pioneer missing from the composite bibliography in Schmeling. One matter, though, claims brief indagation. Morgan (477-78) denies that the male adventurers in Antonius actually went to the moon and sun, albeit having no qualms about the bold lady Derkyllis' (Xena in a chiton?) visit to Hades, arguing that they merely went to a place on earth far enough north to afford a close view of those heavenly bodies. But, while this might suit the exploits of Dinias and his son, it does not work with the earlier adventures of Mantinias, whose "many amazing sights" (pollon apistotaton theamaton) of the sun and moon surely require more than some terrestrial vantage point. Morgan's conflation produces unwarranted deflation.

    The key issue, and the trickiest, is whether Antonius Diogenes was serious or satiric. If the latter, how could Photius (as he is accused) possibly miss this? Or did he? The Patriarch was a great fan of paradoxography, devoting several sometimes copious codices (188-90, six authors in all) to the genre. He recognised that Antonius was different, dubbing his work dramatikon. As often when summarising collections of tall tales, he shows he knows when the reader's leg is being pulled. There is prefatory praise of Antonius for being great fun in how he makes the implausible plausible -- I expect he would say the same about (e.g.) Ian Fleming. He accepts Derkyllis in Hades without comments, but calls the lunar and solar exploits of Mantinias utterly incredible. That most of the novel was set in strange places in manifest from his remark when introducing the twenty-fourth and final book: despite the title, there is actually little in it beyond a brief exordium about Thule itself, a place synonymous with mystery for the ancients. The adjective "most implausible" is again deployed for Dinias' lunar narrative, surely (it may be restated) suggesting much more than a mere view from earth, however clear.

    Unlike Lucian, so sparing in his naming of predecessors, Antonius prefixed each book with a list of authorities, to lend his work an air of specious verisimilitude (one thinks of the Elder Pliny's similar bibliographical procedures). Later on, near the end of his résumé, Photius mentions that Antonius himself specified one Antiphanes as a model for such strange stories. Susan Stephens, in Schmeling 676-77, points out that Antiphanes of Berge was so identified with this genre that the verb "bergaizein" was invented to denote the telling of outrageous whoppers. Stephens, though, misleads in saying "Photius specifically linked Antonius with Antiphanes of Berge" -- Antonius himself forged this connection. And we need the context and tone of Antonius' mention of him: just to know that Lucian mentions Ctesias could have been very misleading. Stephens goes on to say that Antonius called himself a poet of Old Comedy, in turn connecting this with Lucian's mention (VH 1.29) of Aristophanes when his heroes pass by Cloud-Cuckoo-Land as a "wise and truthful man, whose writings were unfairly disbelieved." Now, poietes komodias palaias COULD (despite the absence of a definite article) mean a poet of Old Comedy, but equally it need only denote the teller of an ancient tale, and this is how the three modern translators of Antonius -- Henry in the Budé Photius, Sandy in Reardon, and Nigel Wilson in Photius: The Bibliotheca (London 1994) -- take it. For his part, Lucian causes no particular stir with this allusion to one of his prime literary models; cf. the invocation in Bis Accus. 33. Aristophanes was not old news in Lucian's day. Galen wrote regrettably lost articles on his style, Old Comedy was still performed on occasion, and Athenaeus (420a) provides one reason why his writings should be disbelieved: they were penned while drunk.

    Photius ends his review in good Hays Office style: the villain eventually pays as he must for his crimes; also innocent people survive their perils to tell their tales. Most tantalisingly, Photius says these virtues are typical not only of Antonius but "other fictions of this sort:" whom did he have in mind? Lucian, of course, ends with (to quote a scholiast) the biggest lie of all: failure to write a sequel -- something much later attempted for him by the 17th century Spaniard Francisco de la Reguera in his (still unpublished) third book of Las Historias Verdaderas de Luciano.

    The 4th century Bishop of Salamis, Epiphanius, Adv. Haer. 1.35.8 (= PG 41. 568a) -- a text seemingly neglected by Morgan, brackets Antonius with Philistion as a mimographer who wrote apista. Two allusions in John Lydus, De Mens. 3.5.2 (on the Egyptian year) and 4.42 (Pythagorean bean theories) -- Morgan cites only the first one, apparently taking him seriously; but as we've seen, Aristotle was prepared to cite Herodorus on moon vultures in his scientific work, while Plutarch likewise combines the sober with the fantastic in the lunar essay. Most head-scratching is (or should be) caused by the Byzantine commentator on VH 2.12 who says that in his description of perpetual twilight of the Isle of the Blessed Lucian "is making fun of ta hyper Thoulen teratologoumena." Now, Morgan is one of that too common breed which dismisses the evidence of a scholiast just because he is a scholiast. I have never understood this Gertrude Stein-like reductionism. Certainly, some ancient commentators were fictive or stupid or both. So are some modern ones; do we then syllogistically jettison all the latter? Moreover, Morgan ignores the fact that we know from his subscriptions to Vaticanus gr. 90 that Alexander of Nicaea was the corrector of this key Lucian text. Alexander was nobody's fool. He was Bishop of Nicaea, Regius Professor of Rhetoric at Constantinople, a Biblical commentator, widely respected both for scholarship and virtue. This marginal link between Lucian and Wonders Beyond Thule is made in four of the former's manuscripts. Morgan maintains the reference is not to Antonius' title but a broad generic one, adding "no one would see a reference to any particular work" in a subsequent scholium that thinks Lucian is poking fun at ta teratologoumena ton Assyrion. Sorry, JR, but there is surely a specific target possible here as well: Nicolaus of Damascus, the well-known biographer of Augustus, whose Assyrian History and love of Mirabilia are instanced by no less that Photius, Bibl. 189. Other marginalia to the VH find precise ridicule of Plato (Rep. 10), Homer's Lotus-Eaters, Herodotus (4.75) on the Scythians, as well as mockery of such Biblical items as Aaron's Rod, The Parting of the Red Sea, and Jonah in the Whale. These latter are certainly dubious, the former may or may not be, the point is that these commentators work rightly or wrongly on the premise that Lucian is singling out individual targets.

    Morgan is unwilling to believe Photius' statement that Antonius is the " source and root" of the True Histories because this entails accepting the same claim for the Lucianic Ass. I note that Wilson' translation of this sentence restricts the remark to the VH, omitting without comment the Ass. Anderson rightly counters Morgan's dogmatism by the simple observation that we don't know all the content of Antonius or the Ass. It is obvious from what remains that there is fantasy in the latter and plenty of scope for all kinds of sex in the former. But it's not enough to wonder if Photius was right -- he should have been; unlike Morgan, he had the whole of Wonders Beyond Thule in his library -- or wrong. We should also be asking just what "source and root" implies. Photius' phrase, pege kai riza, can be found both in Plutarch, Mor. 2c, De Liber. Educ., "Education is the source and root of all goodness," and in pseudo-Athanasius, Contra Sabell. 11 (= PG 29. 116b), "the Father is the source and root of The Son and The Holy Ghost." Photius could simply be saying that Antonius was the literary inspiration, not the precise model for emulation or satire. Here, too, we may undermine the notion of a pointless parody of a parody. Assuming that Antonius Diogenes was satiric, that does not have to stop Lucian from doing the same thing. I think here of all the cinematic spoofs (James Coburn's Flint, Dean Martin's Matt Helm, etc.) of James Bond movies; they have not prevented the production and (to myself) incomprehensible popularity of Austin Powers. Furthermore, if Lucian was knowingly re-treading Antonius' old ground, all the more reason not to mention him. But even here, there is pause for thought, if only to play devil's advocate. Lucian could have written the True Histories had Antonius Diogenes not existed, or not existed before him, or had existed unknown to him. I or anyone (well, almost anyone) could pen a piece of comic science fiction without ever having heard of Lucian, and the odds are we would still have some inventions in common -- how familiar with the classics are, say, George Lucas or Stan Lee or the creator of Bill and Ted's comic katabasis?

    Not everything has here been resolved. But as Voltaire said, a man should be judged by the questions he asks, not the answers he gives. Enough wonderings about Thule and beyond; I have sufficiently rolled my barrel on Cornel Hill. To betray my "source and root," thus far have I told my first thoughts; my next ones shall I tell in the succeeding essays -- the biggest lie of all (future PSN scholiast).


 
 

CYRIL CONNOLLY AND PETRONIUS

by Barry Baldwin

    The third and last volume of essays, Previous Convictions (London 1963), by the Englishman of letters Cyril Connolly, a figure not much known in North America contains a 5-page piece "On Re-Reading Petronius" (also conveniently reprinted for cis-Atlantic readers in [ed.] P. Quennell, The Selected Essays of Cyril Connolly, New York 1984), written (to judge by the internal evidence of the first paragraph) around 1950. Here are some extracts: annotations and parentheses are mine.

    "I first read Petronius when I was at school (how many of us can claim that?) and though I had no idea what most of it was about (a trifle disingenuous, perhaps, for a book he later judges "homosexual" in tone, given his English Public School romances), I had two editions by the time I left, two more a year later and two more since then (the only one specified in the essay in Heseltine's Loeb). It is a very great book. Not great -- magical is perhaps a better word and, what is even rarer, it is a humane book."

    One automatically wants to add "Discuss". Petronius is clearly in the Canon. Connolly then becomes more specific: "Yet, though in Petronius we possesses a fragmentary Proust, how few have studied him; how little known to generations of boring novelists is the secret of his rapidity of style, of his visual clarity, biting dialogue, intellectual fastidiousness or of the haunting fugacity of the picaresque -- that art which keeps characters on the move from waterfront to waterfront, brothel to palace, adventure to adventure. The analysis of such a book could help many young writers to give movement and montage to their characters, the lilt of transience which is the breath of readability." Petronius on the syllabus of creative writing courses? Habent sua fata libelli, indeed!

    Connolly accepts the Tacitean Petronius as author of the Satyricon, suggesting on the basis of unspecified but obvious fragments that he came from Marseilles. A Neronian date is accepted because Lucan "must be the target" of Eumolpus' Civil War effusion and because Trimalchio "tries to sing a song by Menecrates whom Nero admired." Connolly is obviously alert to the traditional debates among Petronians. Saint-Evremont is quoted for the view that Petronius' suicide at Cumae is "the finest death in all antiquity." One of them, certainly, and it made a memorable scene for Canadian actor Leo Genn in the Ustinov Quo Vadis? But let's not forget the Pontia of Juvenal's (6.638) scholiasts, daughter of P. Petronius (a relative?) who, condemned by Nero for poisoning her sons upon being left a widow, after large intake of food and wine, being a fanatic saltatrix, danced herself to death -- take note, John Travolta.

    Connolly is au fait with other standard issues: "What was the Satyricon's real subject? Is Trimalchio's banquet a parody of Nero's entertainments or written to amuse him together with the hostile criticism of Lucan? Is it a roman à clef? He offers no answers, but as Voltaire said, one should judge a man by the questions he asks, not the answers he gives. A more off-beat suggestion by Connolly is that Encolpius chooses the alias Polyaenus because the latter was "a disciple of Epicurus" (was there such a person? Like Trimalchio, I never listened to a philosopher), ignoring or unaware of the onomastic echo from the Odyssey.

    "The novel is written in alternate passages of prose and verse which produces a peculiar effect rather like a staccato recitatif (the term 'Menippean' is nowhere used) which leads up to an aria but the verse arias are not so memorable as the prose recitatif; they are less tense and vivid; good minor poetry and nothing more." Connolly exemplifies the prose by a lengthy quotation in the -- unacknowledged -- English of Heseltine from the Encolpius-Eumolpus encounter in the art gallery. Moving then into brief inspection of Latin stylistic details Connolly is much taken by the phrase tam ambitiosus detumuit imber "of a fine lady's tears" -- thus following the general taste for Gruter's detumuit over ms. detonuit: Heseltine, incidentally, attributed detumuit to Buecheler who actually printed detonuit without qualm or notice of any emendations. He also commends Encolpius' "Existentialish reflection" on Lichas, "the only virtuous character:" si calculum bene ponas, ubique naufragium.

    One is glad to see no sign of the famous fake Petronianism about business training; cf. PSN 29, 1999, 5. Connolly does not here mention a bond of sorts with another of Petronius' Nachleben -- his only novel, The Rock Pool (1936), was banned for a season for supposed obscenity. He concludes with the hope that more of the Satyricon may one day come to light, not least because (quoting Eumolpus in the gallery again on the victory of materialism over art) of its message for the 20th century: "Like many whose gaze is fixed with longing on the past, he was apt to find himself looking into the future."


 
 

PETRONIUS ON TRIAL

by Rod Boroughs

Tom Dardis's biography of Horace Liveright (Firebrand: The Life of Horace Liveright, New York: Random House, 1995) finds Petronius at the centre of one of the key literary censorship battles of the 20th century.

    As co-founder of the Modern Library, Liveright was one of the most influential publishers of the 1920s New York publishing world. The unconventional and daring nature of much of his output frequently brought him into conflict with John S. Sumner, Secretary of the powerful New York Society for the Suppression of Vice. In 1922, Liveright published W.C. Firebaugh's translation of the Satyricon as a 'privately printed' luxury two-volume edition, issued on a subscription only basis and priced at a colossal $30. One of the society's agents was sent undercover to the publisher's offices and managed to purchase a copy from a Liveright employee, who was then issued with a summons for selling obscene material directed to the public. Liveright and his editor-in-chief Tommy Smith were also summoned to appear in court. (Liveright's lawyer Arthur Garfield Hays attempted to get the case dismissed by arguing that such an expensive book could not pose a danger to the morals of the general public, but to no avail.)

    Dardis's account of the subsequent legal proceedings makes fascinating and amusing reading:

    'When Tommy Smith was asked by Magistrate Oberwager just what the Satyricon was all about, he was able to tell him something about its importance as a work of literature. The judge's reply was short: "I suppose I have to take your word for all this?" Smith replied, "Give me two weeks... I'll prove it to you." [Smith recalls:] "In two weeks we were back ... I had gone to various libraries and to friends and we came into Magistrate Oberwager's court with over 80 [critical works]. Books in Latin, French, English, Dutch, Swedish .... Liveright and ... Hays helped me take them out of the cartons and pile on Magistrate Oberwager's desk." The Sheer bulk of so many testimonials to the literary value the Satyricon convinced the magistrate: all charges against the book were dismissed...

    'In his brief, Oberwager had some important things to say about literary censorship: "The mere existence of isolated passages is not of itself sufficient to condemn a literary work as falling within the prohibitive pale, for, if such were the rule, an attack could be launched at almost every classics on the shelves of our libraries ... If one is to condemn simply because of the existence of isolated passages of obscenity, we are to condemn to a fate of obliteration Shakespeare, Chaucer, Voltaire, Rousseau, Boccaccio, Blazac, Flaubert, Zola, and even the Bible ... The works of art and literature of an ancient age cannot be judged by modern standards. The good of possessing those literary and cultural records of the past that constitute the very spiritual continuity of civilization cannot be outweighed by any imaginary evil that is alleged against the Satyricon ... To suppress the Satyricon is to suppress one of the two extant Latin novels of the post-classical age ... and thereby depriving students of any knowledge of the actual life of the Roman people. As literature is an interpretative description of human life, it cannot limit itself to the interpretation of one side of human nature only, for otherwise it would defeat its own aim of truth and power.

    'Sumner refused to accept the decision, and took his complaint to the district attorney of Manhattan, who handed the matter to the city's chief magistrate, William McAdoo, hoping that he would appeal Oberwager's acquittal. Unexpectedly, McAdoo refused to push the case, telling reporters that any further attempts by the vice society to suppress the Satyricon would only serve to encourage people to purchase the book. Undaunted, the district attorney then convened a grand jury as a preliminary step on the road to a trial of Liveright and Smith... [Liveright announced] that he would supply all twenty-three members of the grand jury with personal copies of his expensive book so that they could read it at their leisure. However, by the time the jurors had been selected it was recalled that no further copies of the Satyricon were now available. It was then agreed that the jury would have to spend two hours a day in court listening to the entire work read aloud -- a task guaranteed to take at least a week. At this point, the district attorney gave up trying to suppress Petronius: [Liveright] had won.'

José Antonio Artés Hernández, ESTUDIOS SOBRE LA LENGUA DE LOS HECHOS APÓCRIFOS DE PEDRO Y PABLO, Murcia, 1999, 353 pp. 

summary by José Antonio Artés Hernández

               The aim of this book, which is a revision of my doctoral thesis of the same name defended in 1994, is to analyse the Greek Acta Pauli et Petri apocrypha, specifically and from a grammatical and lexical point of view. With a structure traditionally considered close to the novel, the apocryphal writings under review tell us about some of the ups and downs experienced by the apostles Paul and Peter during their preaching in the communities of Asia Minor and Rome, as well as the circumstances of their death.

    The work begins with a general introduction (pp. 19-44), paying great attention to the problems of authorship, place and date of composition (the texts belonging to Paul could be dated ca. 180 A.D., while those corresponding to Peter not further than 250 A.D.), genre and textual transmission. We may divide this study into two main parts: the first one devoted to phonetics, morphology (pp. 47-61), syntax (with a study of the style of), word order and stylistics (pp. 63-96), the second one dealing with lexical uses. In the internal analysis (pp. 101-129) I compare the words that appear only in the three texts studied, in the external one (pp. 133-324) -- with several chapters devoted to Atticisms (pp. 193-253), colloquialisms, literary terms attested in the Attic prose, poetic terms, Ionicisms, late terms, Christian words (pp. 255-267), unusual terms (pp. 269-276), terms originating in Latin (pp. 277-290) and proper names (pp. 291-324 -- I compare the texts to non-literary (papyri, inscriptions,...) or literary works, as well as to different stages of language, relatively contemporary or included in a common tradition, like the one concerning the historian Flavius Iosephus in the lst century A.D. and Plutarch in the 1st - 2nd century A.D., ancient Greek novels or New Testament canonical works, particularly that of Luke. The book ends with general conclusions (pp. 325-341) and a bibliographical index (pp. 343-353).

    As I have already said, in this book I try to throw some light on the predominant level of language in the Acta Pauli et Petri apocrypha through a detailed grammatical and lexical analysis. Acta Pauli and the manuscript G, with a different end from the one offered by the could have been written by the same unknown author. Colloquialisms stand out because of their paucity. The existence of literary terms attested in the Attic prose in our texts is revealed, but in a very limited percentage and not in all of them. There is a very sparse use of poetic terms (although we can find more implied forms than in the case of the Attic prose), very far from their proliferation in other relatively contemporary authors. The moderate presence of Ionisms, with their closeness to the spoken language, could be considered outstanding, but more from a phonetic-morphologic point of view. The existence of terms close to the language of medicine, but coming from a common popular substratum, and the abundance of late terms and those denominated Christian words, speak clearly about the language level which we propose for our texts: the Acta Petri et Pauli are created for their final purpose, to be intelligible to the largest number of readers; therefore, content prevail over form in them. Finally about the possible generic ascription of this kind of writing: the specialists, headed by Söder, lean toward the ancient novel, but that is something debatable: following Vielhauer, I propose a combination of stories concerning  (res) and fiction (verba), all reelaborated as.

REVIEWS

S.J. Harrison, APULEIUS: A LATIN SOPHIST.

Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000. VIII + 281 pp.

review by Gareth Schmeling

As the title indicates, this book is first about Apuleius, his persona, and the influences on his thinking, and then about his extant writings. Harrison divides his book into six chapters: (1) Apuleius in Context: Life, Background, Writings (the bulk of this chapter is taken up with a discussion of the fragments of Apuleius and the testimonia to lost works): "Consideration of this long list of extant and lost works leads to several points. First and most obviously, Apuleius' literary output shows an extraordinary variety and versatility: there seems to have been almost no branch of ancient learning in which Apuleius had no interest, almost no genre in which he did not write a work... It is also clear from the evidence ... that Apuleius was more of a compiler of existing materials than an original investigator" (pp. 36-37); (2) A Sophist in Court: the Apologia; (3) Sophistic Display: the Florida; (4) Popular Philosophy: de Deo Socratis; (5) Philosophical Exposition: de Mundo and de Platone; (6) A Sophist's Novel: the Metamorphoses.

    Harrison's respect for Apuleius is everywhere evident, and he leaves the Latin quotations without translation -- out of respect for the intelligent reader and the baroque richness of the language. In the best tradition of a Handbuch Harrison sets Apuleius and his works into the intellectual milieu of the second century A.D. All of the extant writings of Apuleius, not just the ever more popular Metamorphoses, receive a thorough analysis. The readers of PSN will not be disappointed in the 50 page essay on the Metamorphoses which concludes the work under discussion. Harrison confronts the problems of the Metamorphoses (Metamorphoses/Golden Ass, [Lucian] Onos, Apuleius/Lucius, how can a work have 11 books, etc.) with common sense, wit, and a first-rate scholar's judg(e)ment. Oxford University Press continues a tradition of excellence in Apuleius studies begun at Cambridge University in 1970 by P.G. Walsh.

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